Individual Economists

10 Monday AM Reads

The Big Picture -

My back-to-work morning train WFH reads:

Broadening the Base: more than 60% of stocks beat the S&P 500 in June and July: A natural outcome of rising market breadth has been the rise in dispersion, which measures how differently stocks are performing relative to each other. S&P 500 dispersion has reached historically high levels, and Exhibit 4 shows that S&P 500 Equal Weight Index dispersion has tracked closely with its cap-weighted peer. This is not surprising given the increased scrutiny faced by companies across the size spectrum, which is typical during an earnings season. Anu Ganti on the rally spreading out beyond the mega-cap hyperscalers. More than 60% of stocks beat the S&P 500 in June and July, equal-weight tech is ahead of its cap-weighted counterpart by 19% year to date, and roughly 85% of reporting companies have beaten estimates. (S&P Dow Jones Indices)

King Carney Activates Kong Mode With Zero F*s: At two minutes to midnight on Friday, Mark Carney did what no Canadian prime minister has done in living memory — looked at the most powerful man in the world, checked his watch, and told his negotiators to come home. Not paused. Suspended. (I F*ing Love Australia) see also  Great, Scott…: Michael Green discloses that he sent Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent a proposal earlier this year — a Sovereign Debt Optimization Facility swapping deep-discount vintage long bonds for current-coupon par bonds. What Treasury announced last week was a cash buyback program, materially different in both mechanics and optics. (Michael Green)

• From Thomas Paine to Dell Webb: 250 Years of Retirement Angst: It’s the question that keeps millions of Americans up at night: Do I have enough saved for retirement? A long view of an anxiety that predates the 401(k). Almost half of American families have no retirement plan at all, per the Federal Reserve, and those leaning on Social Security face a 22% benefit cut if Congress lets the trust fund run dry in 2032. (Barron’s)

We Went to Wall Street’s Exclusive Wilderness Camp. Everyone Was Spooked by AI. Between fishing outings and poker games, veteran finance pros shared fears about the artificial-intelligence trade. Money managers and economists made their annual pilgrimage to Grand Lake Stream, Maine, traded suits for cargo pants, and then spent the week asking the one question that actually matters now. (Wall Street Journal)

Corner the Market, Get Cornered: The Class Action Against Compass: “Today, Compass is a living, breathing real estate leviathan.” Jonathan Miller on Castaneda/Gelfand v. Compass, just filed in federal court, alleging the post-Anywhere firm is an illegal monopoly and pointing to forced StreetEasy delistings. The complaint calls Compass a Leviathan; Miller expects more suits to follow, likely on the sales side next. (Housing Notes)

Sports Bettingʼs Rise and the Line Between Entertainment and Problem Gambling: Bettors are overoptimistic: in our study, they expect to break even but actually lose 7.5 cents per dollar wagered, with losses on parlays especially underestimated. Overoptimism is largest among bettors who partake in a complex type of bet known as a parlay. Compared to other forms of betting, parlays are more likely to be driven by bias. (Initiative for Financial Decision-Making)

How big is America’s “obesity penalty”? GLP-1s offer a rare insight into the social and economic effects of carrying extra weight. GLP-1s have created a rare natural experiment. Doctors promise better mobility and cleaner metabolic numbers, but the interesting data is in what happens to the social and economic returns to losing weight. (The Economist free)

• How Satellite Advances Are Changing the Game for Ukraine: Michael Schwirtz on the new tool in Ukrainian drone teams’ hands — near real-time information on Russian troop movements and locations. Ukrainian drone teams have a powerful new tool: near real-time information on troop movements and locations. (New York Times)

More People Call in Sick on August 24 Than Any Other Day: The second ‘sickest’ day of the year falls after Super Bowl Sunday in February. (Bloomberg)

The Improbable Longevity of “It’s Always Sunny in Philadelphia” The irreverent comedy is the longest-running sitcom in history, yet has won no major awards. What gives? (New Yorker)

Video of the day: China’s BYD Is Taking Over the World’s Shipping Lanes — And Nobody Knows

Be sure to check out our Masters in Business this past weekend with Alex Morris of TSOH Investment Research. He is the author of “Buffett and Munger Unscripted: Three Decades of Investment and Business Insights from the Berkshire Hathaway Annual Shareholder Meetings.” The book was named one of Amazon’s “Best Books of 2025.” To write it, he reviewed every Berkshire annual meeting from 1994 through 2024 — 100s of hours of video covering more than 1,700 shareholder questions over 31 years — after Berkshire released the meeting archives.

 

How big is America’s “obesity penalty”?

Source: Economist

 

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The post 10 Monday AM Reads appeared first on The Big Picture.

MAGA, The DSA, & The Politics Of No Competition

Zero Hedge -

MAGA, The DSA, & The Politics Of No Competition

Authored by Katherine Gehl via RealClearPolitics,

Despite the narrow loss by Democratic Socialist Francesca Hong in the Wisconsin Democratic gubernatorial primary last week, DSA candidates have prevailed in primaries this year from Maine to California. The Democratic Party establishment believed it dodged a bullet in Wisconsin, but this threat is not going away any time soon.

The roots of the radical left's success were seeded almost a decade ago. In 2017, a writer in a Democratic Socialists of America publication laid out a strategy under a plain title: "Want to Elect Socialists? Run Them in Democratic Primaries." The Democratic Party, the article conceded, was deeply flawed - but it was the easiest available path for socialists to win elections and build power. Nearly a decade later, that strategy is bearing fruit. Democratic Socialist and allied candidates are winning Democratic primaries, and with them, safe Democratic seats - maybe even some competitive seats.

We have seen this before, on the right side of the political spectrum. Donald Trump - who sought the Reform Party's presidential nomination in 2000 and registered as an independent in 2011 - ultimately abandoned the outsider path. His nationalist-populist movement could not realistically win elections as a third party - under our rules it would only split conservative votes and hand elections to Democrats. So Trump and his MAGA movement didn't build. They captured. Trump fought inside the Republican Party, where a committed faction could dominate low-turnout primaries, threaten incumbents, and seize the party's brand. Today MAGA owns that brand, the infrastructure, the finances, and the power of the GOP.

These two stories are usually told as ideological earthquakes - the radicalization of the right, the leftward lurch of the left. They are better understood as the same structural event, produced by the same underlying cause. The cause is the century-long determination of America's two dominant political parties to retain their power at all costs.

To retain their stranglehold on the levers of power they employ a dozen different strategies, ranging from restricting ballot access to manipulating political primaries. But the single rule allowing Democrats and Republicans to keep control is one most of us never even notice - and one that sounds perfectly reasonable: In most U.S. elections, the winner is the candidate with the most votes. The technical term is plurality winners.

This seems simple and fair on its face, but it turns out to be wildly consequential - and not in a good way. You see, if the winner is only required to have "the most votes," that means in any race with more than two candidates, a candidate can win with less than a majority. For example, a candidate can win with 34% in a three-way race, meaning two-thirds of voters preferred someone else. In a five-way race, the winner could emerge with 21%. This dynamic creates the "spoiler" or the "wasted vote."

In plurality winner elections, we often don't feel free to vote for the candidate we like best, out of fear our vote will inadvertently help elect the candidate we like least. For example, in the 2016 presidential race, if you liked Green Party candidate Jill Stein, you knew you probably shouldn't vote for her because that would take votes from Hillary Clinton and help elect Donald Trump. The mirror on the right: You may have wanted to vote for Libertarian Gary Johnson, but you knew that would take votes from Trump and help elect Clinton.

Plurality winners aren't just a problem for "fringe" views. They're the reason so many voters experience November general elections as a choice between the "lesser of two evils."

Consider 2024. Numerous polls found that most Americans didn't want a rematch between Donald Trump and Joe Biden - roughly two-thirds said they were tired of the same candidates and wanted someone new. Clear majorities of Americans said neither man should run at all.

Into that vacuum stepped the group No Labels, whose founder and chief executive, Nancy Jacobson, reached out to some 30 potential candidates for a centrist "unity" ticket. The names were serious people - Joe Manchin, Larry Hogan, Kyrsten Sinema, Liz Cheney, Chris Christie, and Nikki Haley among them. Not one would run.

Manchin said the quiet part out loud - he ruled it out publicly stating he refused to be a spoiler. There is the whole trap, in a single word. Under plurality winners, a credible independent - or third-party candidate - doesn't enter the race as an equal competitor; he enters as a spoiler. The spoiler problem means no votes, no votes means no chance, no chance means no money, no money means no messaging, no messaging means no chance, and no chance means no votes. It is a vicious cycle, and it shuts out new competition before a single ballot is cast. No Labels went looking, in its own words, "for a hero," and a hero never emerged. The system disqualified them before the starting line.

So why do we do it this way? Because in the early days of our Republic, we made a mistake.

At the time, democratic elections barely existed anywhere on earth, so Americans copied the one working model, Great Britain's. For centuries, the freeholders of each English county gathered at the county court - a public assembly summoned by the sheriff - to choose the "knights of the shire" who would sit for them in the House of Commons, and the town boroughs did the same. The rule was identical and unquestioned: The most votes won, majority or not. There was no mathematical science of voting yet, no menu of alternatives to weigh. So, we reached for the only template in existence and carried it across the Atlantic. We didn't carefully design our rule for who wins. We backed into it.

Today, the plurality winner system is the greatest barrier to entry in American politics. Consider this: In any other industry as large and thriving as the politics industry, with 86% customer dissatisfaction (the public disapproval of Congress per Gallup's most recent data), some entrepreneur would see a phenomenal business opportunity and enter the market to give the customers what they want. One would think that a marketplace of ideas so vastly underserved would produce third - or fourth, fifth, and sixth - alternatives. But American politics doesn't work this way. The cause: plurality elections.

Political scientists call this phenomenon Duverger's law, the tendency of plurality winners to produce exactly two parties. No new major party has emerged in American politics since the Republicans in 1854.

Economists also have a name for this kind of system: a non-clearing marketplace. In a healthy market, competition keeps working until supply rises to meet demand and the market "clears." Our political market never clears. Economists know why a market gets stuck like this: It's rarely nature; it's almost always an artificial barrier. Housing is the textbook case - demand for homes in a thriving city dwarfs supply, yet zoning, permitting, and other government requirements choke off new construction.

Plurality winners are the corollary in American politics: the rule that keeps new supply from ever reaching the voters clamoring for it. The demand for a real alternative is enormous and unmistakable. Poll after poll finds a majority of Americans want a third choice. When a market is barred from clearing, the built-up pressure doesn't vanish - it escapes into the black market. That is precisely what the hostile takeovers are: the black market of a rigged political economy, demand forcing its way in where honest competition is blocked.

End plurality winners and let the market clear, and that same energy would flow where it belongs - into new candidates, new ideas, and politicians who must satisfy their general elections customers to survive.

Modern attempts to crack the market only prove the rule. Predating No Labels' effort, in 2012 the financier Peter Ackerman poured his own fortune and energy into Americans Elect, an audacious bid to put a bipartisan "unity" ticket on the ballot through the first-ever national online primary - its nominee required to choose a running mate from the opposing party. Ackerman's team did something almost unimaginable, winning ballot access in 29 states before a single vote was cast. Then it collapsed, in large part because no credible candidate would step forward. The serious contenders all understood what Ross Perot's example in the 1990s and, later, Joe Manchin would confirm: Under plurality rules an independent cannot win, only spoil. Americans Elect built the doorway. The spoiler problem meant no one dared walk through it.

Even more contemporaneously, a disillusioned Elon Musk vowed only last summer to launch a third party. Within a month, he'd pumped the brakes on it. Money wasn't the issue - he's the richest man in the world. The barrier is plurality voting and the dreaded "spoiler" label. This summer, Tucker Carlson merely floated a third party trial balloon, Within days, the chattering class was handicapping how Carlson's fantasy might spoil Marco Rubio's chance at the 2028 presidential nomination - and Republican chances generally.

Changing the status quo

The most devastating cost of a market with no real competition is not dissatisfying candidates. The true devastation: We don't get results.

Ask a simple question: When did this country last balance its federal budget? The answer is 1998-2001. President Bill Clinton and his working relationship with House Speaker Newt Gingrich are generally credited with this accomplishment. But most analysts have missed an essential driver: The last time we had balanced budgets followed soon after the last time we had genuine competition in the presidential general election. In 1992, billionaire Texan Ross Perot used his own fortune to do what our system almost never permits: Compete nationally as an independent because he didn't mind investing his own money in a spoiler race. His message was blunt - America was drowning in debt - and he delivered it himself, buying up half‑hour blocks of network television for folksy "infomercials" in which he stood before hand‑drawn charts and walked the country through the federal balance sheet. The first edition drew more than 16 million viewers.

On the first Tuesday of November, Perot won not a single electoral vote but nearly one-fifth of the popular vote. He lost, but citizens won. Before Perot's candidacy, neither the Republicans nor the Democrats had balanced budgets on their party platforms. He proved that deficit reduction had a constituency neither party could afford to ignore, or to cede to his nascent Reform Party. Competitive pressure persuaded Clinton and Gingrich that they had to tackle it. In the years that followed, Washington produced four consecutive balanced budgets, the first since 1969. Paul Begala confirmed the theory from the inside, writing in the Washington Post at Perot's death, "I am not sure we would have ever balanced the budget without the pressure Perot and his voters brought to the issue." Multiple factors contributed to the balanced budgets, but Perot delivered the otherwise never-existent "political will."

Here's the point: Competition changes results even when it doesn't change who wins. In Silicon Valley when a breakthrough technology emerges, if it benefits customers it will eventually make it to market. The new company will succeed in the marketplace on its own or it will be acquired or copied. Either way, consumers win. That's the alchemic brilliance of competition.

We desperately need dynamic competition in politics too - not just among candidates but for innovative policy ideas, and competition "to get shit done," to quote Joe Manchin in a recent interview making the case for independent candidates. In the political marketplace with only two competitors, neither of our two parties are incentivized to tell voters a hard truth or, more importantly, to do hard things like casting votes they know will help the country but perhaps put their political career at risk.

Add a third candidate who can, and the truth suddenly has a market. That is why there will never be a real candidate of fiscal sanity - on the debt, or on anything else that demands shared sacrifice or requires dealing powerfully with tradeoffs - until we eliminate plurality winners. In a marketplace with only two competitors, neither wins reelection if they do a hard thing - balancing the budget, reaching a bipartisan compromise on immigration, rethinking health care. So, they don't.

Healthy competition, in any human endeavor, delivers innovation, results, and accountability - all of which are sorely missing in our current politics. If we want the benefits of free market politics, we must tear down the barrier to entry that plurality winners create. The fix is simple: To win, you must earn a majority.

A preference for majority winners is neither radical nor new. The Constitution built in a safeguard for the Electoral College: If no candidate wins a majority there, the U.S. House picks the president in a "contingent" election. Massachusetts required a majority to elect its governor from 1780 until 1855. When no one won a majority outright, the choice fell not to the voters but to the state legislature.

A few states still use majority requirements today. Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Mississippi, North Carolina, Oklahoma, South Carolina, South Dakota, California, and Texas require majority winners in various races and use two-person runoffs to deliver those. The instinct is right. The mechanisms are the problem. Polarized legislatures breaking ties aren't acceptable today; that method does nothing to eliminate the deterrent effect of spoiler and wasted votes. Traditional runoffs are expensive, they demand a whole second election, and turnout collapses the second time around. Worse, a two-person runoff coming out of a crowded field can simply recreate the spoiler problem, as California's top-two primary has done - vote-splitting knocking out the majority's real choice before the final round.

The elegant answer is to hold runoffs instantly. Instant runoffs are mostly new to America, but they're time tested by other established democracies. The Australians and Irish have used them in various elections for more than a century. And, of course the idea of runoffs isn't foreign at all given their use in nine states. An instant runoff is exactly the same, except you don't have to come back to the polls for each new round. Instead, you rank the candidates from your first to last choice all at once (ideally on Election Day or in a mail-in ballot arriving by Election Day) using a ranked ballot.

After the polls close, assuming a dynamic five-person race, there are four runoff rounds.

  1. In Round One, your vote is cast for your favorite candidate (i.e., the one you ranked first on your ballot) just like always. At the end of the round, the candidate who came in fifth/last place is eliminated.
  2. In Round Two with four candidates remaining, your vote is cast for your favorite among the remaining four. At the end of the round, the candidate in fourth/last place is eliminated.
  3. In Rounds Three and Four, the process repeats, narrowing the four to three and then three to the final two, at which point, of course, majority wins.

Here's the part people worry about, so let's be plain: In every round, your vote goes to your favorite candidate still in the race. As long as your first choice is standing, that's who you're voting for - round after round. Your lower rankings are just backups. They come into play only if your favorite is knocked out, and then your vote moves to the next name on your list who's still running. It's exactly what you'd do in a Georgia or Texas or Louisiana runoff: Your candidate didn't make it, so you pick your favorite among those who did. The difference is only that you expressed your preference in advance, so you didn't have to make the trip back to the polling place.

One election. Five candidates. Four instant runoff rounds. One vote for each voter in each round. A majority winner. No spoiler.

'Frenemies' of reform

Those of us pushing for "Final Five Elections" (FFE) know what the ranked ballot conjures in those who are unconvinced. In no small part this is because liberal reformers have spent years giving it a bad name. They've deployed it in sleepy, low-turnout, low-information municipal races, and in cities like San Francisco they asked voters to rank long rosters of little-known candidates.

Democratic Party reformers added ranked ballots to party primaries in New York City, but they deliberately didn't install it in the general election because the Democrats didn't want real competition in November. They prefer knowing who to call "Mr. Mayor" after the Democratic primary in July. Reformers also like to pair a ranked ballot with proportional representation. The first is basically sabotage; the second is just a terrible idea. In both cases, they're using a tool for the wrong job. The instant runoff has one narrow use case for which it is tailor-made: a November general election with a manageable field of up to five candidates. Used there, it does exactly one job impeccably - it guarantees a majority winner with no spoiler. It's the key that unlocks healthy competition.

That is precisely how we use it in Final Five Elections. FFE is the combination of two simple changes to our election system: First, a single-ballot primary open to every candidate and voter regardless of party, and out of which the top five advance regardless of party; and second, an instant-runoff general election resulting in a majority winner. Open the market; require a majority. That is the whole design, and it is not just theory.

In 2017, I published my politics-industry theory out of Harvard Business School with my co-author, economist Michael E. Porter. Our work made its way to Alaska, where prominent Anchorage attorney Scott Kendall used it to design a ballot initiative built around these new rules. In November 2020 Alaska voters passed Final Four Elections (an earlier version of Final Five Elections in which four candidates advance to the general). Alaska became the first state in the nation to choose healthy competition in its elections for Congress and its entire state government. It won't be the last.

You could be forgiven for thinking Final Five Elections are about electing more moderates. They will certainly make that more likely - the market for moderate dealmakers doesn't clear today, and moderates are essential for delivering consensus solutions to tough policy challenges. But unlike the reformers who imagine that's the whole point, I don't see it that way. Reforms that provide artificially disproportionate advantages for moderates (e.g., Condorcet winners) are a bad idea. Innovation in any human endeavor usually emerges from what might be considered fringes or extremes. It's the same for public policy where innovation rarely arises at the current midpoint of public opinion. As Porter and I wrote in 2017, "transformational changes in the U.S. have often begun at the fringes - in decidedly non-moderate camps." Think civil rights. We need moderates and we need "extremes." We need a competition of ideas. What Final Five Elections really does is let both markets clear at once - the market for dealmakers and the market for leaders and new ideas.

To envision what Final Five Elections would change, watch what's happening right now - then imagine the same candidates, the same voters, the same political mood, under different rules. This season, Democratic socialists won a string of Democratic primaries in places where the primary is the only election that matters. In Denver's safe-blue 1st District, 29-year-old Melat Kiros, backed by Bernie Sanders and the DSA, ousted 15-term Rep. Diana DeGette by more than 13 percentage points. In Upper Manhattan, Darializa Avila Chevalier knocked off five-term Rep. Adriano Espaillat. Because these are overwhelmingly Democratic seats, that small, committed primary electorate didn't merely choose a nominee - it chose the member of Congress even though the general election is still months away. General election voters who might have preferred the non-DSA Democrats will never get a say.

Now run those same races under Final Five Elections. The socialists would still claim a spot on the November ballot but they could no longer back into the seat as the only Democrat on offer, or as the lesser of two evils. To win, the socialist would have to assemble an actual majority of the entire district. The same logic runs on the right - which is why MAGA would still exist under Final Five Elections but would likely not have rendered establishment Republicans extinct. In Texas, John Cornyn led the first round of the Senate primary and still lost to Ken Paxton in a low-turnout runoff decided by the base - even as analysts judged Cornyn the stronger November candidate. In Louisiana, Bill Cassidy was eliminated by his own party's primary voters, punished for a vote of conscience against Donald Trump. Under Final Five Elections, Cornyn and Cassidy would each have stood on the November ballot beside their Trump-endorsed challenger (and the leading Democrat) and the whole electorate - not a closed-primary faction - would decide the race. If MAGA earns a majority, MAGA wins. If it doesn't, the establishment Republican, or an over-achieving Democrat, prevails.

To be clear, while I am no fan of the Democratic Socialists' platform, my objection is not that they might win, it's that we could back into their agenda - not because a majority of Americans chose it, but because a structural error in our democracy routinely distorts our elections. When and if DSA candidates win and their policies are tried in a laboratory of democracy (as in Mamdani's grand New York City experiment), I bet voters will discover what history has already shown: Socialism doesn't work.

Under Final Five Elections, voters would have a way back, because traditional Democrats wouldn't be extinct or new alternatives to the DSA would be able to enter. Under Final Five Elections, Mike Pence Republicans would have market access to compete for the post-Trump right-of-center vote. And for ideas that do work from any of these competitors, they can be adopted by other parties. I do this work because I believe in the value of competition. Even if certain candidates don't win, some of their good ideas might be adopted by those who do, a la Perot. That's as it should be.

In evaluating Final Five Elections, it's essential to see that it is not the sum of its parts. It is one machine whose several precision components work only in combination, engineered to deliver a single result: a majority winner drawn from a field of up to five credible candidates in November. Adopt just one component - ranked ballots, say, or some version of an "open" primary - and nothing structural moves. The piece that does the real work is the one most reformers omit: advancing five candidates from a single open primary into the general, so that the decisive, competitive election is November and not a low-turnout party primary.

Washington, D.C., shows what happens when that piece is missing. There, reformer Lisa Rice led an impressive campaign to pass Initiative 83, which put ranked ballots in both the primaries and the general and even opened those primaries to the District's independents - several of the "parts," adopted at once, with real skill and the best of intentions. But Rice's hands were tied by D.C.'s Home Rule Act which bars an essential piece - the top-five primary that would carry five candidates into a contested November - and so the dynamics of the election didn't change in Final Five style because party primaries still exist and each advance only one candidate to the general.

As a result, we saw a campaign similar to other DSA races: In June 2026, Councilmember Janeese Lewis George, a democratic socialist, won the Democratic mayoral primary and, in a city this blue, is all but certain to become mayor, with no credible contender waiting in the general. The primary still crowned the winner. Notice, too, what this reveals about the ranked ballot: In a low-turnout, low-information primary, ranking is an unnecessary complication. In Final Five Elections the primary is a simple "pick-one." You choose your single favorite, as always, and the top five advance; ranking does its real work later, in the general, where it forges a majority from genuine competition.

Opening the primary as a stand-alone reform, which is currently advocated by many major reform organizations, is not the missing piece either. The impulse behind it is understandable: If the party primary is the election that truly decides, then shutting independents out of it really is unfair. But the best cure for that unfairness is not to usher outsiders into a party's nomination; it is to make the general election the contest that matters, so that everyone is finally voting in the election that counts. Making a broken election system "fairer" is not the same as making it work, and we must not let the fix for a real unfairness talk us into a reform that leaves us just as unlikely, or more so, to get results.

Many reformers who have adopted my prescription for Final Five Elections nonetheless incorrectly suggest that FFE will weaken parties and describe that as a benefit. I believe those reformers are wrong on both counts. I am a fan of political parties, and, like esteemed political writer Jonathan Rauch, I want them strong - because in the industries that serve us best, you always find strong players. The trouble with our parties isn't that they're strong. It's that their strength is artificial. They are powerful in the one way no healthy competitor should ever be: They have demonstrated a nefarious talent for keeping rivals out of the market altogether. In the one place they ought to be strong - choosing the candidates who can actually win a November majority and deliver on the party's agenda - they've grown weak, even too weak for their own good or ours. The current system is why Mitch McConnell lamented "candidate quality" in 2022 when he didn't get the strongest general election candidates out of the Republican primaries. Separate the public function of the election from the parties' private one of choosing nominees, and we can finally afford to let the parties truly control their candidates, because the voters keep ultimate control at the ballot box. FFE is a win for (well-run) parties and for voters.

Now to the critics of Final Five Elections - and I have heard from a lot of you: You say it's a liberal plot. It isn't. Final Five forces every candidate, left and right, to win an honest majority. (For a strong proof point, in 2022 Nevada Democrats hired famed partisan lawyer Marc Elias to try to shut down FFE ballot initiatives, and defeating Final Five Elections was about the only thing the D and R parties agreed on in 2022 and 2024. Neither of them wants new competition.)

Critics also say it's too confusing. But surely Americans are as capable as the Australians and the Irish? And mainlanders as capable as Alaskans? You say it delays results. It doesn't. As long as the ballots are required to be submitted by Election Day and election authorities release the cast-vote record data, AP can call races on election night just like they do today. You say it's an incomprehensible algorithm. It isn't; you can use paper ballots, count manually and conduct a manual recount on any race if you want (though if you want results on Election Day, I'd suggest a computer). Used as a tool to support the emergence of the majority winner in a five-way general election, FFE is none of the things you say it is.

So here is my challenge. Don't just tell me what's wrong with Final Five Elections. Show me another plan that produces healthy competition of both candidates and ideas and the resulting benefits to customers, a.k.a. American citizens. If you do find a better one, I'll happily get on board with yours. But assuming you can't, it means that what the critics of FFE are really defending, whether they admit it or not, is the failed status quo - intense polarization, division and dysfunction, gridlock, party capture, and dismal policy results - over dynamic competition to solve problems. The United States became the most powerful and prosperous nation in human history for a reason we ignore at our peril: We unleashed free market-style competition and let it do its work. Competition is what drives our innovation. Competition is what lifted American life to a standard the world had never seen. America deserves the same exemplary results from free market politics.

And a special note to my conservative critics, chief among them the Wall Street Journal editorial page. You should be the last to need convincing. No entity has taught American readers more faithfully than you that market competition positively motivates incumbents and serves customers, and that artificial protectionist barriers to entry are the enemy of both.

Yet, you have been consistently hostile to Final Four Elections adopted by Alaska in 2020. Don't let the ranked ballot's abuse in the wrong hands blind you to its one indispensable use. Confined to a five- (or four-) candidate general election, the instant runoff does exactly one job: It demolishes the single greatest barrier to entry in American politics - the spoiler - and forces every candidate to win real competition on the merits. That is not a left-wing scheme (or a right-wing one). It is free markets for our republic, and it is the purest application of your own creed I can offer arriving, at last, in the one market where you have been strangely content to let a protectionist market thrive.

Our call to action goes out to all governors and state legislators. The Founders anticipated this moment and, in Article I, handed the power over the machinery of elections to the states. The Constitution provides that "the Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections... shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof." The rules of the game, for both state and congressional elections, are yours to write. Final Five Elections is not a pie-in-the-sky idea; it's actionable now, by any governor or legislature willing to lead. I can't imagine a better test case for laboratories of democracy than Final Five Elections in a handful of states. Over time, the results will create demand for expansionor - they won't. I'm betting on FFE.

But of course, governors and legislators can only do what their citizens ask of them. So here's to you citizens: It is crazy, when you actually stop and think, that we accept our current state of affairs as if we're powerless. The most detrimental driver of American politics is sitting in plain sight, and almost no one names it. Turn on the news and you'll hear endless coverage of the DSA's rise or MAGA's takeover treated as ideological weather and never as what they actually are: structural, the predictable product of party primaries and plurality rules.

Here's to you, journalists: It is crazy that the people whose whole job is to explain the world keep missing the one explanation that ties it together - that there are barriers to entry, and that those barriers, not the passions of the moment, are why we can no longer solve problems.

Here's to you, business leaders: You of all people should see this instantly, because it is your world exactly - a market, protected incumbents, competition strangled, customers ignored - and yet even you look right past it.

Here's to you, editorial boards, forever demanding better behavior from politicians while ignoring the rules that guarantee the behavior you claim to deplore: We do not need more outrage at the symptoms. We need people to finally understand the cause and then to do something about it. Because the extraordinary thing, once you see it, is that this is not rocket science. In the scheme of political challenges, it's not overwhelmingly hard. The fix is not a constitutional amendment. It does not require an act of Congress, or the consent of 50 states, or even two. A single state can adopt Final Five Elections on its own, through its legislature or by ballot initiative, at no cost to its neighbors and enormous benefit to its own citizens. As hard as our politics feels, this part is not that hard.

And to the frustrated business titans who keep circling this problem without solving it, this one is for you. Elon Musk, enraged at both parties, floated an "America Party." Howard Schultz, disgusted with the duopoly, explored an independent run. Mark Cuban tells all who will listen that both parties have failed us. Gentlemen: You are brilliant innovators, and you are misdiagnosing the problem. If this were your company, you would never pour a fortune into a doomed product line inside a rigged market. You would fix the market. That is the move here. Stop trying to win the broken game and start championing the rule change that ends its rigging for good. Put the same relentless, systems-level thinking that built your fortunes behind Final Five Elections in a few states, and you will do more for this country than any third-party campaign ever could. At the very least, Mr. Musk, don't fund the effort to repeal Final Four Voting in Alaska, the one state in which you could launch your new party without undue barriers. Give me a call. I think you've received bad counsel.

This has been a long argument. So let me reduce it to its essence - two images. In Image A, our current system, there is virtually no connection - no overlap at all - between our politicians solving problems in the public interest and the likelihood that they get reelected. Sit with that, because it is the whole tragedy in a single sentence: If America's elected representatives did their jobs the way we actually need them to, they would be more likely to lose those jobs (in their next low-turnout party primary) than to keep them. Congress doesn't solve problems because, under the current rules, solving problems is not a good way to win an election. In fact, it's a good way to lose one. No one would ever design a hiring-and-firing system like that on purpose. And yet here we are.

Final Five Elections does one essential thing: it creates the connection in Image B. It makes solving problems a good way to win - and to win again. Under these rules, what it takes to get elected finally overlaps with what it takes to serve the public interest, and in that overlap sits everything we have been missing: results and accountability. That overlap is the whole secret. Everything else in this essay - the open primary, the instant runoff, the majority winner, the end of the spoiler - is simply the machinery that produces it.

My passion may inadvertently suggest I'm presenting Final Five Elections as the gateway to a political utopia. It's not. I agree with Winston Churchill that "democracy is the worst form of government, except for all those other forms that have been tried from time to time..." Democracy is messy. It is hard. What we have now messy, hard, and bad results. With Final Five Elections, we'd still have messy and hard - but with some good results to show for it. That is utopia for democracy.

Katherine Gehl, former CEO of Gehl Foods, is the author of "The Politics Industry: How Political Innovation Can Break Partisan Gridlock and Save Our Democracy" and the architect of Final Five Elections.

Tyler Durden Sun, 08/23/2026 - 23:20

Evergrande Founder Gets Life But Homebuyers, Suppliers Bear The Costs Of China's Property Collapse

Zero Hedge -

Evergrande Founder Gets Life But Homebuyers, Suppliers Bear The Costs Of China's Property Collapse

Authored by Michael Zhuang via The Epoch Times,

The sentencing of China Evergrande founder Hui Ka Yan to life in prison has brought a legal reckoning for one of the country's most spectacular corporate collapses. However, for hundreds of thousands of homebuyers, investors, and other creditors, the ruling does little to resolve the financial losses left behind by the property giant.

Xu Jiayin, also known as Hui Ka Yan, founder of property developer Evergrande, appears for sentencing at the Shenzhen Intermediate People's Court in Shenzhen, China, on Aug. 20, 2026. Shenzhen Intermediate People's Court /Xinhua via AP

Hui, the founder and former chairman of China Evergrande Group, was sentenced on Aug. 20 after being convicted of crimes including fundraising fraud and embezzlement. His personal assets were confiscated, while Evergrande and its property subsidiary were fined a combined 15.82 billion yuan ($2.35 billion).

Chinese authorities also ordered the continued recovery of illegal proceeds and repayment of losses where funds remain insufficient. Fifty-six other people involved in related Evergrande cases, including Hui's two sons, were given prison sentences ranging from 18 years to one year and 10 months, along with fines or asset confiscations.

Separately, on Aug. 21, the Guangzhou Intermediate People's Court accepted a bankruptcy-liquidation application against Evergrande Real Estate Group and appointed a liquidation team as administrator, according to an official court bankruptcy notice. Creditors are being directed to file claims in that proceeding.

The penalties, however, do not automatically compensate the people who lost money when Evergrande collapsed.

Evergrande reported total liabilities of 2.437 trillion yuan at the end of 2022, including 721.021 billion yuan in contract liabilities, of which 664.244 billion yuan related to property development. Reuters later cited Gavekal Dragonomics as estimating that Evergrande's advance payments from homebuyers were equivalent to about 600,000 housing units.

Davy Jun Huang, a U.S.-based economist and former columnist for Chinese state media outlet CNTV, told The Epoch Times that Hui's life sentence answers the question of who committed crimes, but does not answer who should bear responsibility for Evergrande's enormous debts and unfinished projects.

"These are two completely different questions," Huang said. "The harsher Hui Ka Yan is punished, visually it feels like the problem has been solved, but in reality, the houses will not automatically be completed because of this, and creditors' money will not be recovered because Hui Ka Yan has been sentenced."

The question of who ultimately absorbs Evergrande's losses is likely to remain more consequential for ordinary Chinese than Hui's punishment.

Who Will Pay?

Evergrande's collapse has left losses spread among several groups, including homebuyers, suppliers, banks, investors, and other creditors.

Huang argued that the fines imposed on Evergrande and its property subsidiary do not themselves amount to direct compensation for homebuyers or unfinished projects. An official Supreme People's Court summary adds an important qualification: restitution for losses takes priority over enforcement of fines and confiscation, while illegal proceeds are to be recovered and any shortfall is subject to restitution. Huang argued that the losses from Evergrande had effectively been distributed throughout society among homebuyers, suppliers, and investors.

This has fueled broader debate over whether the regime should use other revenues associated with the property sector to compensate victims.

Huang said such demands were reasonable from both legal and economic perspectives. He pointed to the U.S. government's 2008 intervention in Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac as an example of the government assuming responsibility when a major part of the housing finance system was threatened.

China's regime, he said, played multiple roles in the property boom, as the dominant supplier of land, regulator, and major beneficiary of property-related revenue, but did not assume the corresponding losses when the market collapsed.

"When real estate was rising, the government used land-sale revenues, land-transfer taxes, and layers of extraction to squeeze out the last penny," Huang said. "When the real estate bubble burst, under the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) political model, the government would not bear any of the losses."

The halted under-construction Evergrande Cultural Tourism City in Taicang, Suzhou city, in China's eastern Jiangsu Province, on Sept. 17, 2021. Vivian Lin/AFP via Getty Images Suppliers Face Steep Losses

The impact of Evergrande's collapse extends well beyond unfinished apartment complexes.

Xu Zhen, a senior professional in China's capital markets, told The Epoch Times that China's local governments were among the biggest beneficiaries of Evergrande's expansion. He estimated that local governments collected roughly 1.2 trillion to 1.7 trillion yuan ($180 billion to $250 billion) in land-sale revenues and taxes directly associated with Evergrande between 2016 and 2021.

That money had already entered regime coffers and would not be affected by Evergrande's bankruptcy or Hui's imprisonment, Xu said.

Xu also argued that state finances would benefit from the penalties. That point is subject to the judgment's express restitution priority, which can affect the order in which recoveries are enforced.

Banks initially benefited from lending to Evergrande but later became creditors themselves. Some of their claims were eventually sold at steep discounts after the company's collapse. Xu cited a claim held by China Minsheng Bank that was ultimately sold for roughly 13.5 percent of its original value.

Homebuyers have faced a different kind of loss - years of waiting while continuing to carry mortgages on homes they may not be able to occupy.

However, Xu identified suppliers as the group that suffered the most severe financial damage.

Under a 2023 Supreme People's Court interpretation, qualifying consumers who bought homes for residential use can, if statutory conditions are met, assert delivery or refund claims ahead of construction-price priority claims, mortgages, and other claims. Construction contractors and secured creditors otherwise retain separate priority rights. Evergrande's June 2023 interim results reported 1.05657 trillion yuan in trade and other payables, including 596.17 billion yuan in construction-material payables.

The debts affected thousands of small and medium-sized companies, many of which had limited bargaining power and few legal resources.

Some construction contractors and materials suppliers collapsed after failing to collect commercial bills issued by Evergrande. In the liquidation of an Evergrande project company in Zhanjiang, ordinary creditors ultimately received a recovery rate of about 0.69 percent, according to Chinese financial reports; Reuters also cited the figure in April 2026.

Evergrande said its targeted wealth-management financing products totaled approximately 92.1 billion yuan, with about 34 billion yuan in unpaid principal and interest as of the end of 2022. Separately, Reuters reported in 2021, citing an Evergrande Wealth sales manager, that more than 80,000 people had bought wealth-management products that raised more than 100 billion yuan over five years.

Evergrande's shares have also been delisted, leaving many retail investors with substantial losses.

Construction workers rent shared bicycles as they leave a building site for a new office tower in the Central Business District of Beijing on April 3, 2025. Kevin Frayer/Getty Images A Boom Built on Political Ties

The collapse has also revived questions about how Evergrande grew so rapidly in the first place.

Taiwan-based Japanese journalist Akio Yaita, a prominent critic of the CCP, told The Epoch Times that the company's downfall was not simply the result of excessive leverage and a bursting property bubble. He said it exposed deeper problems in China's system of political and business relationships.

As long as entrepreneurs maintained strong political connections, Yaita said, access to land, regulatory approvals, and financing becomes much easier. Rising property prices then allowed companies to expand rapidly.

However, such a model was inherently vulnerable to changes in political power, he said.

"China's system makes it difficult to produce people like Konosuke Matsushita, YK Pao, and Morris Chang, who build corporate culture and industrial foundations over decades, and it is also difficult to produce entrepreneurs like Elon Musk and Jensen Huang, who rely on technological innovation to change the global industrial landscape," Yaita said.

Instead, he said, the system was more likely to produce entrepreneurs who rose rapidly through political connections and then fell just as quickly when those political relationships changed.

Huang described Evergrande's rise as a form of mutually beneficial cooperation between business and the regime.

During the property boom, he said, developers helped local governments generate land revenue and economic growth, while banks expanded lending and met credit targets. The interests of developers, banks, and government officials were therefore aligned.

Huang said he visited Evergrande's headquarters in 2018 to give a lecture on policy analysis and forecasting and warned Hui that the company should stop expanding after 2018. Hui and the company did not heed the warning, he said.

That does not absolve Evergrande or Hui of responsibility, Huang said.

However, the collapse illustrates a broader problem. According to Xu, private property developers can become highly dependent on a system in which land and access to capital are heavily controlled by the state.

"From an employee to a scapegoat is the fate of private real estate owners under the CCP's monopoly over land and capital," Xu said. "Hui Ka Yan is a typical example."

"If you do well, the CCP lets you gain both fame and fortune; if you do badly, it makes you a prisoner," he said.

Hui's imprisonment therefore does not end the questions raised by Evergrande's collapse. For the company's former customers and creditors, the larger issue remains who will ultimately bear the cost and whether any of the money and homes lost in the collapse can be recovered.

Tang Bing and Luo Ya contributed to this report.

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Tyler Durden Sun, 08/23/2026 - 22:45

Has Trump Turned The Tables On Iran - Or Is Another Round Of War Coming?

Zero Hedge -

Has Trump Turned The Tables On Iran - Or Is Another Round Of War Coming?

Authored by Trita Parsi via Antiwar.com, reprinted with permission from Trita Parsi's Substack.

The Trump administration believes it has turned the tables on Iran. Washington assesses that the rerouting of maritime traffic through the Omani corridor, combined with a global shift away from Persian Gulf oil, has reduced the effectiveness of Tehran's closure of the Strait of Hormuz. At the same time, the U.S. blockade has sharply constrained Iran's ability to sell its oil. The result, in Washington's view, is a status quo that imposes greater costs on Iran than on the United States.

That calculation changes the strategic equation. Rather than being forced to accommodate Iranian demands, President Donald Trump now believes he can afford to wait Tehran out. For the first time since the war began, the White House has concluded, time is working in America's favor.

Assuming that assessment is correct, the more important question is what Trump intends to do with this newfound leverage. If Washington interprets Iran's vulnerability as an opportunity to extract capitulation rather than to negotiate a durable settlement, the result is more likely to be another round of war than an end to the conflict. Tehran has already demonstrated that when confronted with a choice between surrender and escalation, it will choose the latter. Giving Iran the same choice again is therefore unlikely to produce a different outcome.

The only way to turn this unexpected shift in the balance of leverage into a political victory is through diplomacy. If Washington's assessment is correct, it now has an opportunity to use its leverage to secure a compromise that addresses its core interests while giving Tehran sufficient reason to accept an agreement. If, instead, the administration pursues maximalist demands, it risks converting a moment of leverage into another cycle of war.

Historically, however, Washington has tended to make precisely this mistake. Whenever U.S. policymakers have concluded that time and leverage are on their side, they have often treated Iranian weakness not as an opening for compromise, but as an opportunity to seek capitulation. The danger is that Trump will repeat that pattern. He will mistake leverage for victory and turn a potentially favorable negotiating position into the continuation of the tragedy that is US-Iran relations.

Trump failed militarily, but thinks he can win economically

America has run out of military options. The clearest indication is that the Trump administration has stopped striking Iranian targets even as Tehran continues to attack ships transiting the Strait. On Monday, an Iranian attack killed a sailor aboard a vessel using the southern corridor. Yet Washington did not respond militarily - even though the second round of the war began precisely because the administration had declared that it could not accept Iran firing on ships.

According to Reuters, U.S. forces have used virtually all of their global stockpile of ATACMS and Precision Strike Missiles (PrSM) during the five-month Iran conflict. Moreover, roughly 65% of Patriot interceptors, 38% of THAAD interceptors, and almost half of the Navy's Tomahawk cruise missiles have been expended.

The depletion of these stocks appears to have forced Trump to abandon its pursuit of a military knockout and instead shift the burden of economic pressure onto Tehran. That strategy, in turn, appears to be producing results faster - and to a greater degree - than the administration anticipated.

In the American description of events, this success is mainly due to three factors: New, much larger ships are being used that carry primarily crude oil. These VLCCs (Very Large Crude Carrier) can carry up to 2 million barrels of oil. In comparison, other oil tankers can transport between 350,000 and 1 million barrels.

Before the outbreak of the war, approximately 21 million barrels of petroleum and crude oil passed through the Strait of Hormuz on a daily basis. These were carried by 65 to 80 tankers. Roughly the same amount of oil transition through the strait can now be achieved by only ten VLCCs a day. And given that the vast majority of ships transitioning through the Strait in the Southern Corridor have their transponders off, this traffic has not been noted by outlets tracking the traffic.

Secondly, demand for Persian Gulf oil has significantly dropped as numerous economies have started to transition to other sources of supply. Brazil, for instance, has increased its exports and started to serve markets that previously relied on Persian Gulf oil. Most importantly, Beijing appears to have deliberately reduced its oil consumption to prevent prices from remaining above $100 a barrel and thereby aggravating the risk of a global recession.

Third, the war has created economic incentives strong enough to attract ships and crews willing to assume substantially greater risks. The growing volume of traffic through the Southern Corridor, despite the obvious dangers, is evidence that these incentives are surprisingly powerful.

Unlike its earlier illusions about the blockade as a guaranteed knockout blow against the Iranian theocracy, Washington no longer expects economic pressure to produce a quick surrender. Instead, the administration appears to be betting on a slower process of economic strangulation that will eventually force Tehran to capitulate. Faith in a knockout blow has given way to the more fragile hope of prolonged strangulation.

Tehran isn't worried - for now

Iran's calculation is effectively the opposite of Washington's. Tehran doubts the United States can sustain the flow of VLCC traffic through the Strait and believes Trump will have little choice but to return to the Islamabad MOU within the next two to three weeks. Trump may have made progress on oil exports, but LNG and many petrochemical products, including fertilizers, remain unable to leave the Persian Gulf.

Tehran also appears to believe that it retains the ability to halt the VLCC traffic, but is deliberately refraining from doing so for now. The calculation is to avoid escalation while waiting to see whether the United States' depleted military options ultimately compel Trump to return to the MOU.

In short, Tehran does not appear overly concerned - for now. But that could change. If Trump refuses to return to the MOU, or succeeds in turning the balance of economic pain against Iran, Tehran will face a far harsher reality. Just as Washington underestimated Iran's resilience, Tehran may have underestimated the both resilience of the global economy and Trump - the former's ability to shift away from oil and the latter's craftiness in finding non-military ways to effectively reopen parts of the Strait.

Between surrender or escalation, Iran will almost certainly choose escalation. Even if Trump has gained the economic upper hand, Tehran still believes it holds a military advantage. Its options range from more aggressive attacks on VLCCs to strikes on Emirati pipelines that bypass the Strait, and potentially to renewed escalation in the Red Sea.

Indeed, it was precisely Trump's erroneous assumption that Iran would choose surrender over war that helped drive the United States toward escalation in the first place. Washington's recurring search for Iran's breaking point has repeatedly produced escalation rather than capitulation. There is little reason to expect the pattern to be different this time.

The US-Iran tragedy

Herein lies the tragedy of the lethal dance between Washington and Tehran. America's winner-take-all approach makes agreement unacceptable when Iran has the momentum. When the momentum shifts to Washington, the United States comes to believe that nothing short of Tehran's full capitulation is palpable.

Because Iran fears surrender more than war, the cycle oscillates between economic pressure and military escalation, interrupted only by brief and often fragile periods of diplomacy. Put simply, the structure of the situation favors war.

This is particularly visible today as neither side is investing in any real diplomacy with the other. Tehran's "diplomacy" is to simply wait for Trump to return to the MOU, while Trump has barred U.S. officials from engaging with Iran and committed himself instead to economic warfare.

When you don't negotiate when you're weak, because you are weak, and you don't negotiate when you are strong, because you are strong, then war becomes the baseline.

Trita Parsi is the Executive VP of the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft and an award-winning author. Washingtonian Magazine has named him one of the 25 most influential voices on foreign policy. Noam Chomsky calls him "one of the most distinguished scholars on Iran"

Tyler Durden Sun, 08/23/2026 - 22:10

Assassination Sing-A-Long: Hasan Piker Mocks The Murdered Charlie Kirk To Cheering Crowd

Zero Hedge -

Assassination Sing-A-Long: Hasan Piker Mocks The Murdered Charlie Kirk To Cheering Crowd

Authored by Jonathan Turley via Jonathan Turley,

We have seen protesters on the left around the country mocking the assassination of Charlie Kirk, even reenacting his murder. Hate traffickers like Jennifer Welch have even justified his assassination. It is all shocking and depressing, but none reached the level of Hasan Piker leading a huge crowd in mocking Kirk and his faith. Before he was murdered, Kirk debated Piker and called him a "socialist hypocrite." What is shocking is not the utter depravity and cruelty of Piker, but the ecstasy of the crowd in relishing the death of someone with opposing views. It is part of the conditioning in what I have previously called an "age of rage."

In the video, Piker leads the crowd in the meme song "We Are Charlie Kirk" at a stop of his "Fear& LIVE" tour, including such lines as "We are Charlie Kirk, we carry the flame. We'll fight for the Gospel, we'll honor his name." His co-hosts and the crowd seem to be laughing with joy.

Joining him at this hatefest at the Golden Gate Theatre in San Francisco on August 21 were reportedly Will Neff, QTCinderella, and AustinShow.

Hasan is wearing his now-signature Mao jacket as the young crowd and his co-hosts laugh hysterically. It is the very essence of this movement to desensitize people, particularly young people, to violence and hate.

In Rage and the Republic, I wrote about this national ragefest. It allows people to hate completely and without thought to the humanity of those being hurt. What people will not admit is that they like it. Rage is addictive, and it is contagious. Just look at the crowd in San Francisco, and you will see the addictive quality of uncut, undiluted hate:

Piker, Will Neff, QTCinderella, AustinShow, and these fans have every right to spread hate. It is protected speech just as KKK and neo-Nazi groups are allowed to promulgate their own hateful values.

What is exasperating is how hatemongers on the left want to enjoy hate speech while accusing others of hate and intolerance. They do so by excusing their actions or views by demonizing those who disagree. Democratic leaders continue the false claim that democracy is dying in America and that this may be our last free election. While made over multiple elections, the claim of the imminent death of democracy (unless they are elected) does not appear to register with their supporters.

Recently the rhetoric has reached hysterical levels. Florida Democratic Senate candidate Angie Nixon has compared Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents to "modern-day slave catchers" and the government is "literally trying to kill us."

It is a narrative that allows you to speak like a Nazi while claiming to be fighting Nazis.

Piker thrilled the crowd by mocking a murdered man over his faith and his death. It is more than being simply classless. It is commodifying rage. Piker is reportedly raking in a fortune as are other hatemongers like Jennifer Welch. They traffic in rage to a nation of rage addicts.

It is a scene that only reaffirms the work of Kirk who sought to expose the hate and intolerance of the left, particularly on our campuses. Kirk infuriated many by challenging them to debate. There is no room for reason in an age of rage. Those who try to introduce opposing views on campuses are cancelled or attacked.

Recently, a group of pro-life teenagers were kicked out of the Wydaho Roasters coffee shop in Idaho by an owner who found their presence intolerable. At universities, faculty members have attacked displays and even students in righteous rage. One professor who pleaded guilty to assaulting pro-life students was not only attained on the faculty but even honored by another school.

Civility, and even humanity, become signs of weakness in these times. They gravitate to figures like Abdul El-Sayed who has campaigned with Piker and promises to "choke out" Republicans and refers to moderates like Pennsylvania Sen. John Fetterman (D) as ogres to have their heads cut off and put on pikes.

The American left has found their berserkers, the old Norse warriors who were known to fight in a virtual violent trance. The new berserkers offer the chance to hate completely and without remorse or reflection. Over time, supporters are conditioned to disregard even the murder of those with opposing views. As shown in San Francisco, assassination becomes nothing more than a sing-a-long in an age of rage.

Jonathan Turley is a law professor and the best-selling author of "Rage and the Republic: The Unfinished Story of the American Revolution."

Tyler Durden Sun, 08/23/2026 - 21:00

The AI Boom Runs On Tungsten, But Global Supplies Are "Running On Empty"

Zero Hedge -

The AI Boom Runs On Tungsten, But Global Supplies Are "Running On Empty"

Authored by Almonty Industries CEO Lewis Black [emphasis our own], 

Plenty to delve into with this edition: a stockpile order nobody can fill, two factory shutdowns that should be on your radar and the awkward truth about how few tungsten projects will ever produce a single tonne. It's a busy one. In we go.

Cash in hand but no one's selling

Earlier this year America's strategic stockpile did something that should have been routine and instead caused a small panic. The Defense Logistics Agency – the people who hold the national reserve – went out to the market asking what tungsten would cost. Not an order. Just a question: what's the price?

The market recoiled. There was no spare material to be had, prices were already climbing and here was the US government signalling it might step in and buy at scale. The existing consumers – the people who turn tungsten into the things the military needs – were not pleased about a state-backed competitor showing up. The complaints landed and the request quietly went nowhere.

Because a government agency isn't allowed to move the market it's buying in – its own mandate forbids shoving the price around with taxpayer money. So the buyer who most needs the material legally can't buy it at scale without breaking its own rules. Worse still: the day the DLA puts out an open call for tungsten, it's told every adversary exactly where the soft spot is. You need the munitions, and you're advertising that you can't make enough of them.

The problem is that 30 years of cheap and outsourced can't be undone in two. It's like eating fast food every night for decades – inexpensive, easy, you feel fine, until you're at the doc being told you have terminal health problems. Reshoring is like going back in the kitchen: the shopping, the prep, the washing up. A pain. But the alternative is worse.

There's tungsten in the world. There just isn't much the Pentagon can legally get its hands on – non-Chinese, uncommitted, deliverable at scale. The little the West produces is spoken for. Ours is sold years out. That's not me dodging the point – that is the point. When even the producers are sold out, there's nothing left for anyone to stockpile.

Tungsten markets

Michael Dornhofer, ISBP – assessment as of 14 August, 2026

The response to my last note surprised me. After 20 years in tungsten, I have rarely seen this much interest in the metal – which tells you how hot the price and supply situation has become.

There is still little activity on the tungsten spot market, and so no clear price trend can be seen. Some data providers report slightly lower world-market prices, others keep their figures unchanged, and Chinese domestic prices are even rising. In general, the APT price in the West remains above 3,000 USD/mtu WO₃.

Image via Cantor Fitzgerald: 

Slowly, more downstream companies are realizing that it is not only raw-material prices going up – the whole industry is in a real supply crisis.

The situation in Japan is especially severe. From last year, the tungsten trade between China and Japan came almost to an end, and since the start of 2026 no APT at all has been delivered from China to Japan. That has put Japanese hardmetal and tool producers in serious trouble.

In reaction to the missing Chinese raw material, Japan significantly increased its scrap imports over the last twelve months. Now, however, the USA – one of its main sources – has stopped the export of tungsten-containing scrap by imposing export restrictions. Some market participants say there is not yet enough recycling capacity in the US to process all the scrap it generates, so that without exports there could be an oversupply at home, and pressure on domestic scrap prices.

Some European and US tool producers are also complaining about shortages of raw material. Most confirm that, although they have had to raise their prices, demand for their products has not dropped – which is not surprising: nobody stops building cars or aircraft simply because the tools cost more. It confirms that tungsten demand, at least in the short and mid term, is not elastic to price.

We are in for a very interesting fall and winter.

Michael Dornhofer is founder of ISBP (Independent Supply Business Partner) in Graz, Austria. He has spent more than 20 years in tungsten, including 13 years at Wolfram Bergbau und Hütten, Sandvik's tungsten business, and has worked as an independent agent and consultant to the tungsten and hard metal industry since 2019.

Running on empty

While everyone watches the defense story, you need to keep an eye on semiconductors too. There's a gas called tungsten hexafluoride – WF₆. It's what lays down the microscopic tungsten wiring inside advanced memory chips, the kind the entire AI boom is built on. No WF₆, no advanced chips.

Two Japanese producers, Kanto Denka and Central Glass, made about a quarter of the world's supply between them. Past tense. As of the first of July, they stopped. Not an accident on the factory floor – they ran out of the pure tungsten powder they need, the powder comes from China, and China stopped letting it leave the country in 2025. The Japanese producers ran on stockpiles until the stockpiles were gone. Then so were they.

Samsung and SK Hynix are now scrambling to qualify new suppliers – normally a year-and-a-half job they're trying to do in a hurry – and prices for the gas are being talked about 70 to 90 percent higher for the back half of the year.

So who's filling the gap? China. A Chinese producer has already announced it's expanding WF₆ capacity by a thousand tonnes a year. So: China restricts the raw material, the producers who depend on it go dark, and Chinese producers expand to serve the customers those factories just lost. Starve the competition, inherit the market. I'm not saying anyone drew it up that way. I'm saying it works whether they did or not.

Tungsten stopped being a mining story a while ago. It's a memory story, an AI story, sitting a link or two up from almost everything you're told is the future. It took two factories few people have heard of going quiet to show it.

Everyone's got a tungsten project. Almost nobody's got a tungsten mine.

Ask the strategic metals crowd to name the projects riding to the rescue and you'll get a list that comprises real resources, mostly run by serious people.

Then ask which is producing tungsten today, and the room goes quiet. There's one that went into administration a while ago, which wiped some of its permits, and it's been clawing them back ever since. Even now it's in a phased restart and the financing is still not closed. Elsewhere, there are some former Soviet holes in the ground that Moscow never finished, (China's already taken the best one), and the New York Times had plenty to say about that operation. Then comes the investment decision, engineering, construction, commissioning. Nobody's buying tungsten from there this decade.

I've bored you before on why tungsten resists going from deposit to metal, so I won't again. What's crucial is that Sangdong is processing – not next year, not after a study, running. When the whole field is measured in "targeted for 2027," being the one name in the present tense is the difference between a supply chain and a slide deck.

Behind the Q2 numbers

I try to make this something more than just a company newsletter, but we reported Q2 this fortnight, the numbers are public, and they say something about the market, not just us. Revenue up 498 percent on the same quarter last year, and the business turned from burning cash to making it. One caveat I'll flag myself: the headline $182m net income is mostly a non-cash accounting gain on our convertibles – real under the rules, but not money through the door. The operating number is the one that counts, and it's finally real.

None of it came from Sangdong. Through the end of June the mine was still commissioning – it's only been fully operational since July 1, after the quarter closed. So every dollar of that 498 percent came from existing operations at record prices.

What I'm reading

Tungsten leads critical mineral price gains

In the last edition I said tungsten wasn't like the other critical minerals we all get lumped in with. Here's the chart that proves it. Visual Capitalist ranked 27 of them by price move, using IEA data, and tungsten came out on top at 622 percent – more than three times the next metal on the list.

Scale is the easy story to sell

Two of the world's biggest drug companies, AstraZeneca and Bristol Myers Squibb, reportedly talked about merging into one giant. The deal itself is normal enough. The reaction is the interesting part: AstraZeneca's shares fell on the news. Investors looked at two big companies becoming one bigger company and asked the question the press release never does: what does the combined firm do well that neither could do alone? More revenue, more staff, more assets – none of that answers it. It just adds up to size. The Guardian has the story.

The AI boom sees a wobble

Almost every advanced chip in the world is made using machines from one Dutch company, ASML – nobody else could build them. Last week China reportedly built its own, breaking the monopoly. Markets panicked: chip shares fell worldwide, South Korea's main index dropped 11.5 percent in a day, and Nvidia fell more than five percent and lost its place as the world's biggest company to Apple. Sound familiar? It's the concentration problem I keep going on about with tungsten – too much of something critical in one country's hands, and everyone downstream exposed when that grip looks like slipping. Read more here.

Opinion

Ask a room of investors why tungsten matters now and you'll hear one word: defense. Rearmament, drones, munitions, the bunker-buster headlines. It's the stock answer. It's also nowhere near the whole story.

Around 60 percent of US tungsten goes into cemented carbides – cutting tools, drill bits, the wear parts that chew through rock and steelThat's the US Geological Survey's number. Globally it runs close to two-thirds, a figure S&P Global's recent market report puts in the same range. Defense and semiconductors matter – they're why governments suddenly care – but by volume they're the smaller part.

Defense demand is political. It moves with budgets and elections and it can stall the moment the headlines do. Industrial demand doesn't work that way. As Michael notes above, when tool prices rise the buyers don't stop – nobody halts a car plant because the cutting tools got more expensive.

So watch the geopolitics, but don't mistake the loudest demand for the largest. The metal is going into the most ordinary work imaginable, and that's why it isn't getting cheaper.

*   *   * 

Related Reads: 

Whether the chokepoint is tungsten, germanium, or other critical materials, China's tightening grip on supply has brought our decoupling theme into sharp focus. 

As Western governments accelerate efforts to reduce their dependence on Beijing, companies that control scalable, non-Chinese sources of critical minerals, processing capacity, and secure supply agreements are well positioned to become dominant players in the emerging industrial order.

Assets once thought of as just conventional mining operations are quickly becoming essential ex-China supply channels capable of bypassing Beijing and supporting Western defense, semiconductor, and advanced-manufacturing demand.

 Almonty vs. Tungsten Prices 

Yet, as Almonty Industries CEO Lewis Black emphasized above, tungsten is not solely a defense metal. It is also a critical input for the infrastructure powering the AI boom. Wall Street has yet to realize this fully - but they will. 

Tyler Durden Sun, 08/23/2026 - 19:50

Wary Of Backlash, Pro-Israel GOP Senate Hopeful Asks AIPAC Not To Spend On His Behalf

Zero Hedge -

Wary Of Backlash, Pro-Israel GOP Senate Hopeful Asks AIPAC Not To Spend On His Behalf

With Israel's standing in the United States crumbling, America's leading pro-Israel organization has become a focal point of anger among those who think the US government is putting Israel's interests ahead of America's. Political candidates have started seizing on this, attacking opponents who are backed by that group -- AIPAC. So for, that's largely been a phenomenon in the Democratic primaries, but now -- in a jarring indication of AIPAC's ballot-box toxicity -- staunchly pro-Israel GOP Senate hopeful Mike Rogers has asked AIPAC not to spend money on his general election campaign.  

Rogers, a former US representative who chaired the House intelligence committee from 2011 to 2015, has been a stalwart backer of US aid to Israel, and was one of 12 federal legislators honored in 2015 by the US-Israel Security Alliance for his work to arm the Israel Defense Forces. 

Having won the Republican primary, Rogers faces Democratic nominee Abdul El-Sayed in the general election. El-Sayed is an outspoken critic of Israel and US support for Israel, which is why AIPAC blew through $30 million in a failed attempt to secure the Democratic nomination for the Israel-catering Haley Stevens. In that campaign, El-Sayed deftly portrayed Stevens as beholden to Israel. Stevens had given him all the ammo he needed; indeed, the El-Sayed campaign created a website that did nothing but show this cringy Stevens performance on a continuous loop: 

When his primary victory was nearly in hand, El-Sayed taunted AIPAC, saying, "AIPAC, if you're listening, come back and burn it again" in the general election. AIPAC was poised to start running an already-produced commercial for the November race when Rogers talked to AIPAC chair Michael Tuchin in Los Angeles last week, Axios reports. The next day, the commercial was put on ice. 

The extraordinary move by the Rogers campaign is a humiliation for AIPAC, which has long been nearly omnipotent in securing lopsided congressional votes on pro-Israel bills, and in installing pro-Israel legislators while ousting those who dare to offer even mild criticism of Israel. While AIPAC has hit "pause" on its effort in the Michigan Senate campaign, angry AIPAC officials want back in. 

The Rogers camp is wary of El-Sayed using AIPAC support of Rogers as a powerful cudgel in the Michigan Senate race

Rogers' allies are urging AIPAC to use indirect ways to influence the race, so that AIPAC's backing isn't used against Rogers. One technique under discussion is telling AIPAC donors to give their money to a pro-Rogers super PAC rather than AIPAC, Axios reported. The Rogers team has also floated the idea of directly hiring AIPAC's political strategists. However, not wanting to own up to the fact that it has become political poison, AIPAC wants a visible role in the race, with hopes of notching a big win that reinforces the group's power as other politicians stake out their positions on Israel. Things have gotten so icy between the Rogers camp and AIPAC that other GOP players are attempting to intermediate, including Jewish Republican donors. 

According to a recent Fox News poll, 55% of the Michigan electorate want US aid to Israel to stop altogether. The state has one of the larger Arab American populations, and from election to election, it's demonstrated mobility across the Red-Blue divide. Outraged over the Biden administration's blank-check support for Israel's devastation of Gaza, the most heavily-Arab precincts in east Dearborn went for the self-described "peace candidate" Donald Trump in 2024, with 45% voting for Trump, 29% for the Green Party's Jill Stein, and only 16% for Biden's VP Kamala Harris.

Tyler Durden Sun, 08/23/2026 - 19:15

The Teaser Period: Why The AI Boom Is Hitting A Reset Wall

Zero Hedge -

The Teaser Period: Why The AI Boom Is Hitting A Reset Wall

Having laid out, in July, the structural diagnosis that most of the market still refuses to confront: the AI boom is not a technology cycle. It is a credit-driven real-estate-like cycle whose financing architecture depends on the second derivative; the appropriately-named 'Groundbreaker' website has just dropped his next insightful note on what may be the trigger for the market to wake up to the ugly reality beneath the surface of the AI dream.

Trillions in signed compute commitments come due in 2027–2028. The underlying mechanics reveal how the AI boom ends, and when...

I. Past is Prologue

Nothing looked wrong in the summer of 2006. Home prices had risen for the better part of a decade. Delinquencies were near historic lows. Credit spreads were tight, the ratings held, and the securitization machine hummed. If you had asked a hundred people on a trading desk whether the American mortgage market was months from seizing, most would have laughed.

Millions of subprime borrowers were, at that moment, paying the low introductory rate on a two-year adjustable rate mortgage - the 2/28 ARM. A low fixed-rate for two years, then the rate reset to a payment 30% to 50% higher. During those first two years the loan performed beautifully: the borrower paid, the servicer collected, and the bond paid its coupon. Nothing looked wrong because the whole complex - housing, mortgages, securitization - was sitting inside the teaser period.

Every ARM reset was known, dated, and contractually inevitable from the moment of origination. Aggregate those reset schedules and you get the most damning exhibit of the era: the reset wall. Roughly a trillion dollars of adjustable-rate mortgages were contractually set to reset across 2007 and 2008 - thirty to forty billion dollars a month at the peak. Credit Suisse published the chart in March 2007. The IMF reprinted it. It circulated on every trading floor in New York and London.

The mortgage reset wall. Every teaser written in the boom became a dated liability

Few understood it. Paulson & Co. laid out the arithmetic that same month in a comment letter to the FDIC: Over 80% of recent subprime originations, it observed, were two- or three-year adjustable-rate products. The average subprime borrower’s mortgage payments already consumed roughly 40% of their gross income at the teaser rate. Almost none of them could service the reset rate out of income.

The crisis, in other words, was written in advance by the instruments themselves. The market looked at the reset wall and kept buying, because every participant believed the exit would arrive before the reset: home prices would keep appreciating and the borrower would refinance into a fresh teaser before the old one expired.

We have spent the last eighteen years describing the financial crisis as a shock - a black swan, a hundred-year flood, a tail event. It was none of those things. Every reset on that chart was contractually inevitable from the moment of origination. The defaults were not primarily caused by an exogenous macro shock, a spike in unemployment, or a recession that arrived first. They were the scheduled mathematical consequence of loans that assumed perpetual appreciation. The mortgages were built to break.

The AI boom has rebuilt this exact structure, and the market is once again underwriting the teaser.

It has a reset wall of its own - a schedule of dated, contractual, non-negotiable payment shocks - hiding inside the trillions of dollars of compute contracts signed by OpenAI and other frontier labs since 2024.

The take-or-pay compute contract - the instrument at the center of the AI build-out - has a structural feature that almost no one prices: its payments do not begin at signing. They begin at delivery. A lab signs a multi-year capacity commitment today, but the payments do not start until the data center is energized, the capacity is accepted, and the contractual ramp schedule commences - an interval set not by finance, but by construction: siting, powering, and filling a gigawatt-scale campus takes 24-to-36 months from signature - mirroring the two-to-three-year teaser of a subprime ARM.

More than $2.3 trillion of compute contracts now sit on the books of the four largest American cloud providers as remaining performance obligations and contracted backlog - signed, celebrated, capitalized into equity prices, and, critically, not yet billing.

During the teaser period, everyone wins. The seller reports backlog growth that compounds at rates no operating business has ever sustained - Oracle’s RPO grew 363% in a single fiscal year. The buyer - a frontier lab burning cash at historic rates - books no expense because the capacity does not yet exist. The market capitalizes the booked number as if it were revenue and ignores the billed number as if it were a technicality. And then, on a schedule fixed at signing, booked compute becomes billed compute. The take-or-pay clock starts. From that day forward, the frontier labs and the hyperscalers incur those costs regardless of utilization. The invoice is a function of the contract, not of demand. That is the reset.

The parallel to 2006 is exact and it explains the single most-cited absurdity of this cycle: How does OpenAI, a company with some $40 billion of run-rate revenue, sign $1.4 trillion of compute commitments? The same way a household with $60,000 of income signed a $600,000 mortgage: because the terms at signing do not require the payment yet, and because everyone at the table - borrower, lender, and the market - believes the growth will arrive before the payment does.

The 2/28 borrower’s defense was always the same: by the time the reset arrives, my house will be worth more and I will refinance. The frontier lab’s defense is structurally identical: by the time the capacity commences, my revenue will have grown into the obligation.

The compute commencement wall can be made visible in exactly the way the reset wall was visible in 2007 - from disclosed contracts and delivery schedules. The only question is whether the market listens this time

The same chart twenty years apart. Left panel - first-reset principal balances per Credit Suisse and Inside Mortgage Finance. Right panel - announced compute commitments and contract disclosures across every frontier lab.

II. The Anatomy of a Teaser

To see why the structure behaves the way it does, I’ll break down a single contract and walk the lifecycle. The terms below are hypothetical; the architecture is the standard one visible across the disclosed OpenAI–Oracle, Anthropic–Google, Meta–CoreWeave, and OpenAI–CoreWeave arrangements.

A frontier lab signs a $12 billion, ten-year capacity commitment with a compute provider. The contract is take-or-pay, meaning the lab commits to payments once the capacity is delivered, and delivery requires a campus that does not yet exist: two years of construction, procurement, and power work stand between signature and completion.

Now look at what each party’s financial statements show during the two-year teaser.

The seller - a hyperscaler or neocloud - books the arrangement into RPO or contracted backlog on day one - the full $12 billion, disclosed, quoted, and celebrated. The market values it as contractual future revenue. Meanwhile the seller’s cash flow statement hemorrhages: the campus is being built, so capex runs far ahead of receipts. Booked backlog rises; reported earnings feel none of the buildout; financing frequently sits off-balance sheet.

The buyer - a frontier lab like OpenAI or Anthropic - announces access to the compute it needs to pursue its scaling roadmap, and its private valuation reprices on the announcement. The commitment is a future obligation, disclosed - if at all - deep in a contractual-obligations footnote or, for the private labs, nowhere public. No expense hits the P&L because no service is being received. A lab that has committed tens of billions across multiple providers carries a cost structure that reflects only its commenced capacity.

The market sees a seller with explosive backlog and a buyer with secured compute capacity, and prices both as growth stories. Nobody is lying. Every number is GAAP-clean. The structure simply guarantees that during the teaser period, the system’s reported economics and its committed economics diverge by the full value of everything signed and not yet commenced.

Every optical incentive points toward signing more.

Then comes commencement, and the two clocks converge violently. The buyer’s cash obligation steps from approximately zero to the full contractual rate, arriving not gradually but as a step function, tranche by tranche as capacity goes live. The seller begins recognizing revenue, which the market applauds, while backlog begins draining. And here is the asymmetry on which the entire thesis turns: the buyer’s obligation steps up on the construction schedule, regardless of the revenue or utilization that shows up.

The parallel is now clear: the 2/28’s teaser is the construction phase, its reset date is commencement, its fully-indexed payment is the full take-or-pay rate, and its refinance-or-sell assumption is the belief that model revenue will have grown into the obligation by the time it bills - or that another round of fundraising will cover it.

The take-or-pay compute contract is the financing innovation of this cycle the way the 2/28 was the financing innovation of the last one, and it emerged for the same reason: an asset too expensive for its natural buyer had to be made buyable. A frontier lab cannot fund a gigawatt campus out of revenue, just as a subprime borrower could not fund a house at the fully-indexed rate. In both cases the solution was an instrument that splits time in two - a cheap phase that gets the deal signed, and an expensive phase scheduled far enough out that the market ignores it.

In residential credit, the interval between origination boom and reset wall was twenty-four months, because that was the teaser’s term. In compute, the interval is the construction timeline - twenty-four to thirty-six months. The 2025–26 signing boom therefore mathematically guarantees a 2027–28 commencement boom, exactly as 2005–06 originations guaranteed 2007–08 resets.

This is what it means to say we are in the teaser period. The booked figure is enormous; the billed figure is a fraction of it and only beginning to turn up. Everything about the present looks like strength. The obligations that will govern 2027 and 2028 are already signed, already dated, and already sitting in RPO. What has not happened yet is the conversion - the moment booked becomes billed and the take-or-pay clock starts running regardless of the revenue and the counterparty’s ability to pay.

III. Take-or-Pay is Debt

The common objection to the 2008 comparison is simple: this is not 2008 because the leverage is not there.

The leverage is there. It’s simply not booked as leverage.

A take-or-pay contract is, in economic substance, a lease. And a lease is a financing. The defining feature of debt is a fixed payment on a schedule, owed regardless of the borrower’s circumstances. That is exactly what a take-or-pay commitment is. The payment does not flex with utilization. It does not wait for the customer’s revenue. It is owed on the commencement date and every period thereafter, for the term.

This is not a new concept. Rating agencies have treated take-or-pay obligations as imputed debt for more than thirty years - pipeline throughput agreements, ship-or-pay contracts in shipping and rail, long-term power purchase agreements, all routinely capitalized into leverage metrics by Moody’s and S&P. The convention simply has not been applied to compute.

Reported gross debt across the AI complex - the frontier labs, the hyperscalers, and the listed neoclouds - comes to roughly $470bn. The present value of disclosed non-cancellable compute and capacity commitments across the same set comes to roughly $1.66 trillion. The economic obligation is $2.1 trillion. For scale, subprime mortgages outstanding in March 2007 totaled roughly $1.3 trillion.

Three mechanisms keep these contracts off the reported balance sheet.

The first is disclosure asymmetry: remaining performance obligations are a seller-side disclosure under the revenue-recognition standard - the vendor tells you what it has been promised - and there is no symmetric requirement for the buyer to tell you what it has promised.

The second is that the largest buyers are private: OpenAI and Anthropic file no periodic reports, and their obligations enter the public record only when a counterparty announces a deal or books the corresponding receivable.

The third is that the contracts are generally structured as service agreements rather than leases - precisely the maneuver that kept operating leases off balance sheets before the standard changed.

The leverage objection, then, depends entirely on where you look. Look at the line marked debt, and there is relatively little of it. Look at the contractual claims on future cash, and there is more than the entire subprime mortgage market carried at its peak.

So the leverage exists. The question that follows is who owes it and whether they can pay it.

As of the second quarter of 2026, the four largest U.S. cloud providers carry roughly $2.3 trillion in contracted revenue backlog. Roughly $1.0 trillion of that total traces to two counterparties - OpenAI and Anthropic.

Both of those counterparties run deeply negative free cash flow and fund themselves through equity raises and vendor-adjacent financing from the same ecosystem whose capacity they are contracting. The single most important credit fact in the global economy right now fits in one sentence: the largest capital cycle in the history of technology is underwritten, to the tune of roughly one trillion dollars, by two private companies that do not make money.

Now contrast this with the cloud build-out of the previous decade. In the 2010s, bookings and billings tracked each other closely. Capacity was added a step ahead of demand that was already visible. Today backlog-to-revenue multiples across the complex now sit at five to six times the pre-AI software norm - with the vast majority of contracts being take-or-pay contracts signed in 2025-2026 and commencing in 2027-2028.

The multi-year commitments dominating these backlogs are underwritten not by observed demand but by a forecast of demand - a belief about how large and how soon the AI economy comes. RPO has quietly been recast from a risk disclosure into the bull case: “look at all that contracted revenue.” But a backlog is not revenue. It is a promise to pay, and it is worth exactly what the party on the other side can actually pay when the promise converts from booked to billed.

So, as the cloud era transitioned to the AI compute era:

1. Consumption on existing capacity became commitment on unbuilt capacity. The revenue-recognition lag went from one to two quarters to two to three years.

2. Variable service agreements became fixed and contractual. Pay-as-you-go, a flexible operating expense of the cloud era, became take-or-pay, a non-cancellable lease structure that the market has not fully priced as debt.

3. A diversified book became a concentrated one. The cloud-era backlog was tens of thousands of enterprise customers. Today more than half comes from two unprofitable companies.

And, 4. The collateral changed. This one will look obvious in hindsight. In the cloud era, backlog was underwritten to the customer’s operating business. A Fortune 500 firm signing a three-year cloud commitment was going to pay it out of an existing profit stream. In the compute era, backlog is underwritten to the customer’s future funding. It is not credit against cash flow. It is credit against the capital markets staying open - which is exactly the expectation of the 2/28.

“But the hyperscalers have 30%+ ROI!”

The ROI the market is capitalizing is not paid by the hyperscalers’ own operations in any self-sustaining sense. It is paid by the counterparties - by OpenAI and Anthropic and the other labs whose take-or-pay commitments are the revenue line under every one of these returns. The hyperscaler’s return on invested capital is only as real as the labs’ ability to make the payments that constitute it.

When commencement arrives, the payment that pays the ROI becomes a payment the counterparty owes regardless of its own demand. If that counterparty’s revenue has grown into the obligation, the return persists and the bulls were right. If it has not, the return does not gently compress - it inverts, because the same take-or-pay contract that was the hyperscaler’s asset is now a claim on a borrower who cannot cover it. It’s credit risk that looks like an operating return.

IV. The Signing Spree

OpenAI carries the largest compute commitments in the system against a revenue base that is a fraction of those commitments, with no parental balance sheet standing behind the obligation. It signed the most, owes the most, and burns the most, and its exit assumption - raise the next round before commencement, the way the subprime borrower’s was refinance before the reset - depends on a revenue curve inflecting on a schedule that has never been demonstrated at this scale.

Between June and December of 2025, OpenAI executed what may be the most concentrated origination spree in the history of corporate credit.

In less than twelve months, the company signed something close to $1.2 trillion in compute commitments. There was a stretch in October 2025, about three weeks, during which the company announced deals whose combined notional value exceeded the market capitalization of ninety-five percent of the companies in the S&P 500.

Signing was cheap and the re-rating was instantaneous. On the days the largest of these deals were announced, Oracle, Nvidia, AMD and Broadcom added a combined $636 billion of market capitalization.

Every dollar of that $1.2 trillion was signed during the steepest part of OpenAI’s revenue curve and underwritten to its continuation. And almost every one of these deals commences in 2027-2028. The signing spree should be read as an obligation event, not a sign of insatiable demand for compute.

V. Building the Reset Wall

Let us build the reset wall and let us build it the way Credit Suisse built the mortgage wall - in two views:

  • The first is a cash question: how much does the company owe, per year, as these contracts commence? This is the equivalent of Paulson & Co’s arithmetic - which was used to compare the mortgage payments to the borrower’s income.

  • The second is a concentration question: what is the total compute contract amount that resets from teaser to full pay in a single year? This is the equivalent of Credit Suisse’s 2007 reset wall - which showed the principal amounts of adjustable-rate mortgages resetting in a given year.

OpenAI’s committed annual compute cost, built bottom-up from the announced vendor contracts and reconciled to management’s own disclosed plan. The step into 2027 is the reset.

The 2007 reset wall was drawn in notional rather than annual payments - in other words, the unpaid principal balance transitioning from teaser to fully indexed. The compute equivalent is contract notional payable from the commencement date forward.

Credit Suisse could build the 2007 reset wall because securitization documents disclosed every loan’s reset date. Compute contracts are private, so the wall must be modeled - but the inputs are unusually good, because the counterparties keep announcing them publicly.

And, much like 2008, synchronized originations produces synchronized resets. Mortgage origination peaked across 2005 and 2006; the teaser was twenty-four months; the wall peaked across 2007 and 2008. Compute signing peaked across 2025 and 2026; the construction interval is twenty-four to thirty-six months; the wall peaks across 2027 and 2028. Same arithmetic, different collateral.

The mortgage-balance analogue: contract notional still payable from the commencement date forward. $712bn of it recasts to full pay across 2027–2028 for the two frontier labs alone.

Now, replicate the way Paulson & Co. measured the 2/28 borrower: compare the annual cash payment to income and determine the counterparty’s ability to meet these resets. OpenAI has no income, so in this case the comparison is against revenue. Apply four revenue paths, each anchored to the latest reported figures and to what the company itself has told investors.

Run every scenario management or the forecasters will offer - re-acceleration, the management plan, the forecaster median, a slow burn - and set each against the committed compute cost. The bottom panel is the coverage ratio: compute commitments as a share of revenue, before wages, research, sales, or tax.

Even under management’s own plan, compute alone consumes more than 200% of revenue at the 2027 peak. There is no scenario on the chart in which the frontier lab covers its compute bill out of revenue in the year the wall lands. The best case is that it grows back under the line by the end of the decade, and the best case requires the refinancing channel to stay open the entire way.

So, OpenAI’s plan for the reset is to refinance at the reset. Raise the next mega-round, at a higher valuation, to cover the obligations as they commence - exactly as the subprime borrower planned to refinance into the next loan when the teaser expired. This works while two things hold: the capital markets stay open, and the narrative stays intact.

And look at what this implies about OpenAI’s valuation as it moves toward an IPO:

OpenAI’s equity - valued north of $850 billion - is functionally the junior tranche of a capital structure whose senior claims, the take-or-pay compute obligations, exceed any revenue path management itself has articulated.

On those numbers, the equity is effectively underwater, and the market has not priced it that way because it still treats those obligations as service agreements rather than what they are economically: debt.

Even if OpenAI can meet those obligations, OpenAI’s unaudited financial statements - as of March 31, 2026 - disclose $665 billion in non-cancellable compute commitments (management’s more recent plan runs to $750 billion). These commitments are take-or-pay in structure - which, as established above, is debt.

Carry the present value of those obligations as senior debt - roughly $450–500 billion - and a company the market prices as debt-free carries a senior claim worth more than half its entire equity value.

The market is pricing the residual equity as if it were the whole stack.

VI. What the Wall Demands

The labs' answer is the 2/28 borrower's answer: revenue is compounding at triple digits, and by commencement it will cover the payment. It might. The credit point is narrower: the revenue coverage claim is a projection, while the obligation is a certainty.

The claim is not that commencement causes a lab to fail. It is that commencement is the date on which a pre-existing mismatch - fixed obligation against assumed revenue - becomes cash-due, and that, as in 2008, the mismatch is visible in the fundamentals well before the date makes it unavoidable. You do not need demand to fall. You need it only to decelerate below the rate the booked compute was underwritten to.

The compute contracts commencing in 2025 and early 2026 cleared, or very nearly cleared, the required growth rate. This is the crucial point, and it is the reason there is no alarm anywhere in the system: the early vintages worked.

They worked the way the 2005 and 2006 subprime resets worked. The collateral appreciated fast enough. The refinancing happened. Everyone who signed was vindicated, and vindication is the input to the next round of underwriting. Success in the early vintages is the mechanism that manufactures the late ones.

For committed compute merely to equal revenue in 2027 - not to be comfortably covered, simply to reach parity, before a single dollar is spent on wages, research, sales, or tax - revenue would have to compound at 217% annually off the 2025 base. The dashed line at 100% represents revenue doubling every single year and sustaining it, which no company at this scale of revenue has ever done for a multi-year stretch. The obligation is accelerating at more than double the rate of the best case for the cash flow meant to cover it.

The obligation curve is contractually fixed and steep - it ramps according to a defined construction timeline. The revenue curve is a growth rate. If the growth rate rolls over - the two curves cross. That is the reckoning: not a demand collapse, but a demand deceleration meeting a cost schedule that was set in a more optimistic year.

Deceleration alone is survivable if your cost base is variable. If demand growth slows from a 120% to 40%, a company with variable costs simply spends less, earns less, and adjusts. But a take-or-pay obligation is not variable. It is a fixed dollar amount that arrives on a fixed date regardless of what the demand curve did in the interim.

None of this means the company fails. It means the company must raise. Take the base case: roughly $375 billion of cumulative uncovered compute cost across 2026 to 2030, before research and development, before compensation, before every other operating cost of running a frontier laboratory. Round the all-in external funding requirement to the four-to-five-hundred-billion-dollar range across five years, and the exit assumption becomes explicit and testable:

The thesis for OpenAI requires capital markets to fund roughly half a trillion dollars of cumulative operating deficit at a single pre-profit counterparty, at non-punitive terms, through a window in which that counterparty’s compute costs are contractually rising faster than any plausible revenue path.

That may happen. But it should be named for what it is: a refinancing assumption rather than an operating plan, and one that depends on the collateral - the valuation - exactly in the period in which the true cash cost of the build becomes visible for the first time.

Construction timeline slippage can move the obligation - the 2027 peak flattens slightly, the 2028 peak rises, and total obligation is unchanged. The revenue that was supposed to grow into the 2027 obligation now has to grow into a larger 2028 one. This is exactly what happened when servicers pushed resets in 2007. Deferral was a repricing of when, not a cure.

OpenAI has been built as if the AI boom were a venture-backed, technology cycle; when in fact, it has the mechanics of a credit-driven real-estate cycle (as I outlined in The Second Derivative). Every decision executives have made seems to be based on maximizing a single outcome: the next round. While compute commitments are in the teaser period, they are assets - secured compute capacity signaled strength and raised the next round. OpenAI is facing a day of reckoning when those commitments are delivered and, on a schedule indifferent to their revenue or next round of funding, booked compute becomes billed compute.

And time is running out - Bridgewater’s analysis shows OpenAI is burning through their latest fundraise at an extreme pace.

VII. Anthropic and the Whole Stack

The comparison to Anthropic is useful as a controlled experiment. On the same measure, Anthropic’s compute commitments peak at close to 60% of revenue in 2027 then falls - fully covered by revenue with room left to pay operating costs. Undoubtedly stressed in the reset window, but structurally solvent and improving from the peak rather than grinding against it. Two labs, the same instrument, the same commencement window, and coverage ratios that differ by more than a factor of three at the peak.

While in a substantially better position, Anthropic is similarly the equity tranche of a capital structure heavily indebted by take-or-pay compute commitments, which the market has also failed to appropriately recognize as debt.

For sake of clarity, the revenue figures used in this analysis are annual revenue figures not a run rate.

The full system is larger, because the labs are only the top layer. Consolidated across frontier labs, hyperscalers and neoclouds, contract notional recasting peaks at $732 billion in 2027 and $820 billion in 2028. $2.4 trillion recasts from teaser to full pay across 2026 to 2029, with the two-year peak in exactly the window the frontier-lab layer identified.

System-Wide Contract Notional Recasting, Consolidated.

Now, place the full stack side by side with the mortgage reset wall.

The Reset Wall, Then and Now. The whole stack on the right, consolidated and net of eliminations.

It is worth being clear about what these charts imply:

It is not a default forecast. The reset wall did not “predict” defaults in 2008 either. It only revealed the date on which the question would be asked.

It is a statement about synchronization and about arithmetic. It says: on a schedule fixed by contracts already signed, a very large volume of fixed obligations transitions from deferred to due, in a narrow window, for a set of counterparties whose ability to pay the reset depends on a revenue number that does not yet exist - it’s a projection - and whose cash flow today is reliant upon external funding.

That is exactly what the Credit Suisse chart said in 2007. It was right, and it was ignored, and it was ignored for a reason that will be entirely familiar: at the moment it was published, every loan on it was still performing.

When skeptics raised the reset schedule in 2007, the rebuttal was performance data: delinquencies are at record lows. So they were - the vintages were two years old, home prices had risen by double-digits, and the payment being performed was the teaser payment. Today’s rebuttal has the same rationale: AI revenue is compounding at triple digits; utilization is effectively full; every GPU is oversubscribed. All true. All measured during the ramp, while capacity trails demand by construction lag and the billed payments run at a fraction of the booked compute.

VIII. The Second Teaser: Hyperscalers

The frontier labs have a contractual teaser: an obligation that is signed and not billed. The hyperscalers have an accounting one: an asset that is paid for and not expensed.

Under U.S. GAAP, capital under construction sits in “construction in progress.” Depreciation does not begin at expenditure. It begins at placement in service - when the asset is available for its intended use - regardless of whether it is being used. Construction-period interest is capitalized into the asset’s cost and expensed only after placement, through depreciation, over the asset’s life.

Then the tranche goes live, and GAAP flips the switch. Depreciation commences on the full capitalized cost - including the capitalized interest now embedded in the basis. The asset moves, in one accounting instant, from an inert balance-sheet entry to a recurring income-statement charge. In-service to the owner is what commencement is to OpenAI: a reset whose date was fixed by the construction schedule, utterly indifferent to whether demand showed up.

As tranches go live through 2027–28, depreciation inflects upward mechanically and the hyperscalers’ operating margins begin absorbing the fully indexed rate. If utilization and pricing hold, revenues rise in tandem and absorb the scheduled depreciation. If they do not, the industry will discover that depreciation is take-or-pay with the income statement as the counterparty: a fixed charge, contractually scheduled, indifferent to demand, and impossible to renegotiate.

Consider what a live datacenter owes each month whether it runs at 90% utilization or 30%. It owes depreciation, power, interest, staff, cooling, and maintenance. In a representative cost stack for a leveraged cluster, roughly 80% of the monthly cost is fixed the day the meter turns on.

This is operating leverage - a wonderful thing on the way up and a merciless one on the way down. When utilization holds, margins are spectacular, which is exactly the story the teaser period tells. But the same fixed base, spread across revenue that arrives below the underwritten level, produces negative operating leverage. There is a break-even utilization built into every one of these assets - the point below which fixed costs are not covered - and below it, the asset bleeds.

If OpenAI cannot pay, the hyperscalers do not just miss revenue - they absorb a fixed-cost shortfall that their own operating leverage magnifies. A 30% utilization drop does not mean 30% less profit. It can mean the entire facility turns unprofitable.

IX. The Options

When billing commences, unused capacity transforms overnight from strategic optionality to cash burn. A CFO staring at that line item finds ways to mitigate it.

You cannot cancel: take-or-pay is take-or-pay, senior in practice to everything. You can try to grow into the capacity, but demand is largely outside your control. Three mitigants remain: raise capital, renegotiate, or sublease.

Renegotiation is the most likely path. OpenAI’s negotiating leverage is proportional to its systemic importance - perhaps why it proposed handing a 5% equity stake to the federal government. It is too interconnected to fail; every balance sheet in the chain needs the fiction maintained. The renegotiations, when they come, will not be shown as distress. They will look like partnership: volume deferrals framed as capacity rephasing, rate cuts as efficiency-linked pricing.

But the moment one anchor lease is amended, every RPO dollar in the complex carries a demonstrated amendment probability. “Contracted” ceases to be a synonym for “certain” anywhere in the system. The $2.3 trillion only needs quiet contract negotiations to be re-rated as an asset class.

Sublease is the alternative. A tenant subleasing capacity it cannot use will take nearly any rate above zero, because every dollar recovered directly reduces cash burn. The bull case points to premium rates on today’s short-term subleases. But look at the terms: xAI’s arrangements carry ninety-day termination rights; Google frames its leases as bridge agreements; Anthropic takes spot capacity while aggressively contracting bespoke capacity elsewhere. This is bridge demand by construction. It exists only until the 2027–2028 multi-gigawatt deliveries land, at which point it hands the space back - flooding the market with shadow vacancy just as the rest of the $2.3 trillion commitments convert from booked to billed.

Compute does not need to default to break the market. It only takes a wave of quiet contract renegotiations and shadow-vacancy subleases to re-rate the asset class from a scarce strategic commodity to an oversupplied utility.

X. The Index is the Trade

When that re-rating happens, the equity of the entire complex absorbs the loss - and that equity is concentrated in the handful of names that dominate the market-capitalization-weighted indices most of the developed world owns through its retirement accounts. The ultimate holder of the risk is a household that has never heard of a take-or-pay contract.

AI-exposed names now account for roughly 45% of S&P 500 market capitalization. The ten largest companies in the index - themselves overwhelmingly AI names - sit near 40%, against about 27% for the top ten at the dot-com peak. It is the most concentrated the index has been in its modern history

Semiconductors carry roughly 19% of the index and supply roughly 45% of its total earnings growth, the largest share of any sector. That contribution is a function of the order book, and the order book is largely a function of new originations. When the reset lands and the labs spend every marginal dollar servicing commitments already commenced rather than signing new contracts, the next wave of chip orders thins. The vendors are a pure second-derivative play - they book the boom first and feel the deceleration first.

Hyperscalers are roughly another 20% of the index - and the two frontier labs are nearly half of their $2.3 trillion backlog. When the commencement wall hits, depreciation and fixed costs kick in on a schedule indifferent to whether those counterparties can pay, and the hyperscaler’s P&L becomes the backstop for any capacity the labs overbought and cannot cover. Hyperscaler ROI is fundamentally frontier lab credit risk - and the equity market hasn’t even begun to price that in.

Neoclouds are the most levered expression of the wall. CoreWeave and its peers financed gigawatt campuses on debt raised against the take-or-pay contracts themselves - backlogs many multiples of revenue, thin equity beneath, and the bulk of it commencing in 2027–28. Their model rests entirely on booked converting cleanly to billed; the capital structure has no room for a deferred or renegotiated anchor lease. They carry no index weight, but cracks in the take-or-pay complex expose them.

A passive retirement account holding an S&P 500 index fund owns a levered, concentrated bet on the conversion of contracted compute backlog into billed revenue - and on two cash-burning frontier labs’ ability to pay for it Nobody chose that allocation, and almost no one holding knows it.

XI. Living Inside the Teaser Period

The hardest thing to convey about 2006 to anyone who did not trade through it is how good the data was. Record origination, record homeownership, delinquencies scraping decade lows, homebuilder earnings at all-time highs, and every incoming statistic confirming the strength of the American consumer.

What almost no one priced was that every one of them was a teaser-phase measurement: an observation of a system whose payment test had not yet begun, generated by an instrument that mechanically guaranteed the data would look exactly this way until the schedule said otherwise.

An economy of teasers cannot produce bad credit data until the calendar turns, which means the strength of the present data carried no information about the question that mattered. The signals everyone watched were structurally incapable of carrying the signals everyone needed.

Now read the compute cycle’s tape with that in mind. Record RPO backlog, celebrated the way 2005 celebrated origination volume. Capacity sold out, demand insatiable: a construction-phase statement, necessarily true while contracted delivery lags contracted demand. Vendor revenue beating estimates, the way homebuilder earnings were the sound of the mortgage machine consuming its own vendor inputs.

This is the epistemic signature of a teaser period, and it explains the otherwise baffling social dynamics of standing inside one. The bear who cites the future reset wall is answered with the current data. A teaser period does not merely hide the reset wall. It manufactures the exact evidence used to dismiss it.

XII. This Time is Different

Reinhart and Rogoff titled their history of eight centuries of financial folly with the words that recur before every crisis: “this time is different”. And the maddening truth is that the specifics genuinely are different every time.

This is not precisely 2008. GPUs are not houses; take-or-pay contracts are not mortgage-backed securities; OpenAI is not a subprime borrower in Stockton, and artificial intelligence may well be the most consequential technology of the century, which is more than anyone could ever say for a McMansion in the Inland Empire.

All of that is true, and none of it is the point. What repeats is never the surface. What repeats is the structure:

a scarcity thesis that justifies enormous fixed obligations; a teaser period during which those obligations feel costless; a set of commencement dates, fixed at signing, on which the teaser expires and the fully-indexed bill begins; and a bet that the income will have grown to meet the bill by the time it arrives.

The reason many AI skeptics will be right in substance and wrong in the mechanism is that they are often making a valuation argument, and valuation arguments have no clock. What this piece has tried to show is that buried inside the compute contracts is something a valuation argument never has: a reset.

The bull case wins if - and it is a real if - demand scales into the committed supply before the reset wall lands, and the counterparties stay funded through any air pocket in between. The bear case in this piece is not that artificial intelligence will fail, or that the demand is fake, or that the technology disappoints. It is narrower: that the financing structure can break before the demand arrives, because the obligations are fixed and front-loaded in commencement while the revenue is variable and back-loaded in adoption - and a fixed obligation meeting a lagging revenue stream is a solvency problem regardless of how transformative the underlying technology turns out to be.

The industry will spend the next eighteen months debating whether artificial intelligence is a bubble, which is the wrong question, asked at the wrong layer. The technology is real; so were the houses. The question is narrower: what happens when instruments underwritten at the teaser meet their reset schedule, and who is holding the paper when the obligations cannot be met as written. The reset wall is published above and the AI boom sits in a period of fiction.

The Teaser Period.

Read more and subscribe to 'Groundbreaker' here...

Tyler Durden Sun, 08/23/2026 - 18:15

Elon Musk's Huge Midterm Investment Widens GOP's Money Advantage

Zero Hedge -

Elon Musk's Huge Midterm Investment Widens GOP's Money Advantage

Republicans already have a significant financial advantage heading into the 2026 midterm elections, but Elon Musk is preparing to spend up to $200 million to give them an even bigger boost. Wired reports that officials with knowledge of Musk's plans said the range could still change, and that he intends to direct much of that money toward voter-turnout operations in the cycle's most competitive races, with the Texas Senate contest emerging as a likely landing spot.

The Texas Senate race between Republican nominee Ken Paxton and Democrat James Talarico gives Musk a lopsided fundraising contest, though polling suggests the race is closer than Republicans should be comfortable with. Talarico has raised $68.6 million through June 30, mostly from out of state, more than seven times what Paxton has brought in, and he closed the month with $21.5 million in cash on hand against $1.8 million for Paxton, according to Federal Election Commission filings.

The polling numbers complicate that picture. An Emerson College poll from Aug. 9-10 showed Paxton leading Talarico 47% to 46% among likely voters, and eight nonpartisan public polls since the Republican runoff have shown the race hovering around a dead heat.

Costas Panagopoulos, a political science professor at Northeastern University, said Musk's money could help Paxton close some of that financial gap if it goes toward a disciplined get-out-the-vote operation rather than television ads alone. He also flagged competitive Senate races in Georgia, Ohio and Maine as likely destinations for Musk's spending beyond Texas.

"It's a considerable sum that has the potential to shake things up in certain races across the country," Panagopoulos told The New York Post.

Musk's expected 2026 outlay would extend a pattern he set in 2024, when he spent at least $288 million helping Donald Trump and other Republicans win office. Most of that money ran through his super PAC, America PAC, which took in $239 million by early December along with another $11.2 million in in-kind petition-incentive spending, and which paid third-party canvassing firms more than $46 million across the battleground states. Trump carried all six of those states, though his own campaign officials were not convinced the paid canvassing operation deserved credit over Trump's own appeal to voters.

He kept writing checks after the election. Musk gave more than $73 million to Republican causes in 2025, including roughly $45 million to America PAC and three separate $5 million contributions on June 27 to MAGA Inc., the Congressional Leadership Fund and the Senate Leadership Fund. This year he opened with a $10 million contribution in January to Fight for Kentucky, the group that backed GOP Senate candidate Nate Morris before he suspended his campaign in May, and America PAC has attributed at least $1.6 million more to him through March 31.

Panagopoulos expects Democrats to answer Musk's spending in some form. "This is not going to happen in a vacuum," he said. "Democrats will respond, and even if they can't find someone with pockets as deep as this, there are other ways to raise funds to combat what might be happening on the Republican side."

However, money has been the one thing Democrats have struggled with this year. The Republican National Committee entered the stretch run of the midterms with $128 million in the bank. The Democratic National Committee, however, has a roughly $2 million net deficit.

Politico reported in July that the three main GOP party committees and their two caucus-aligned super PACs held a combined $657 million in cash at the end of June, nearly double the $334 million their Democratic counterparts held, and that tally does not include MAGA Inc., the pro-Trump super PAC that reported more than $400 million in the bank a few weeks earlier. Democrats have no comparable vehicle. Add Trump's super PAC to the party committees and caucus-aligned groups, Politico found, and Republicans control more than three times the money Democrats have across their equivalent organizations.

The National Republican Senatorial Committee holds $55.9 million to the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee's $41 million, and the National Republican Congressional Committee holds $92.7 million to the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee's $79 million.

Of course, money alone rarely settles an election. In Florida this past week, Democratic socialist Angie Nixon defeated former National Security Council aide Alex Vindman in the Florida Democratic Senate primary, despite Vindman raising $16 million compared to Nixon's $975,000.

But having money helps and can be critical in competitive races. Heading into the final stretch of the 2026 cycle, the GOP is running with a financial structure Democrats do not have, and Musk's expected investment will widen that advantage further.

Tyler Durden Sun, 08/23/2026 - 18:05

What Makes A Great Entrepreneur? Lessons From The Greats

Zero Hedge -

What Makes A Great Entrepreneur? Lessons From The Greats

Authored by Rainer Zitelmann via RealClearMarkets,

What personality traits distinguish successful entrepreneurs? This question has occupied academic research on entrepreneurship for decades, with scholars examining the relationship between personality traits and entrepreneurial success.

When we want to understand or recognize something, we often do so by making comparisons. About 200 years after the birth of Christ, the Greco-Roman historian and philosopher Plutarch wrote a collection of parallel biographies of famous figures from Greek and Roman history. By comparing their characters, decisions, and lives, he sought to reveal similarities and differences and thereby arrive at a deeper understanding of each individual.

The American economist and entrepreneur Greg Autry has followed this model. In his book "Barons and Bros", he presents four pairs, each consisting of a living entrepreneur and an entrepreneur from the 19th century.

Many readers will be familiar with five of the names: SpaceX founder Elon Musk, Amazon founder Jeff Bezos, Virgin founder Richard Branson, steel magnate Andrew Carnegie, and railroad and shipping entrepreneur Cornelius Vanderbilt. In addition, Autry has chosen Monty Ward, the pioneer of mail-order retailing; Hiram Maxim, the inventor of the machine gun; and Palmer Luckey, the founder of the virtual-reality company Oculus.

Formal education played hardly any role. Only two of these eight successful entrepreneurs completed a university degree, and only one of them - Musk - studied economics, among other subjects. The inventor Hiram Maxim, who received 122 U.S. patents and 149 British patents and developed, among other things, the first automatic fire sprinkler, attended a one-room schoolhouse for only five years. Richard Branson is dyslexic and left school at the age of 16.

In my dissertation The Wealth Elite, for which I conducted in-depth interviews with 45 wealthy self-made entrepreneurs, I reached a similar conclusion: there was no correlation between performance at school or university and the level of wealth these individuals later attained. Those who had excelled at school or university were generally not among the very wealthiest later in life.

For these entrepreneurs, implicit learning - "learning by doing" - and the implicit knowledge acquired through this process played a much more important role. Six of Autry's eight heroes were already engaged in entrepreneurial activities as teenagers, learning skills that would later contribute to their success. This, too, corresponds to the findings of my dissertation: What was striking was the way the future wealthy entrepreneurs earned money while still at school or university.

Typical student jobs in which they simply worked for an hourly wage were the exception. There is little doubt that these experiences shaped the young people who later became entrepreneurs. They learned how to organize, sell, and think entrepreneurially. Without even being aware of it, they acquired the implicit knowledge that is so important for successful entrepreneurs and investors. Their early entrepreneurial experiences were the best possible preparation for becoming self-employed later in life.

Most of the entrepreneurs featured in Autry's comparisons would probably never have made careers in large corporations because they were often difficult personalities, unwilling or unable to conform and subordinate themselves to others. All of them were undoubtedly outstanding salesmen and networkers. Again and again, Autry describes his heroes making "cold calls" - contacting strangers they did not know but who were important to their plans.

How often have you tried to write to or call an important person you did not know?

All the heroes in this book suffered major setbacks. Musk's companies Tesla and SpaceX repeatedly came close to bankruptcy, and many of Branson's companies failed.

Palmer Luckey was forced out of Facebook after the company acquired his business because he was considered politically "too right-wing." Vanderbilt suffered a major defeat in the so-called Erie War and, in his unsuccessful attempt to gain control of the Erie Railroad, at one point lost around $7 million - the equivalent of perhaps $170 million today.

Andrew Carnegie experienced one of the greatest crises of his life during the bloody Homestead conflict of 1892; the confrontation permanently damaged his reputation as an employer sympathetic to workers.

Perseverance alone does not explain their success. What matters is the combination of perseverance, a willingness to experiment, and the ability to learn from mistakes. The crucial skill shared by Autry's heroes was their ability to recognize opportunities where other people saw none. This corresponds to the insights of the great economist Israel Kirzner, whose theory of entrepreneurship places the entrepreneur's "alertness" to new opportunities at its center.

In his definition, the "pure entrepreneur" is a decision-maker whose entire role consists of discovering previously unnoticed opportunities.

When it comes to the personalities of Autry's heroes, one thing stands out: they were all nonconformists - in the sense described by the economist Joseph Schumpeter. According to Schumpeter, the entrepreneurial type does not regard the fact that something has never been done before as an argument against doing it. Inhibitions that constitute firm boundaries for the behavior of others do not constrain him in the same way.

He draws different conclusions from the circumstances around him than the mass of static economic actors. He does not care much how others judge his enterprise - and often even takes pleasure in swimming against the current. All of this applies without qualification to the people portrayed in this book.

And there is something else that stands out: Autry's entrepreneurs think very, very long term. Not in months, and not even in years, but in decades. This sets them apart from the overwhelming majority of people.

There is almost no theory in Autry's book, and that is a good thing. His accounts are vivid, entertaining, and full of anecdotes. "The thing I have noticed is when the anecdotes and the data disagree, the anecdotes are usually right." This statement would drive most academics to despair, but it comes from Jeff Bezos, one of the richest people in the world. The entrepreneur's knowledge is different from the academic's knowledge - something intellectuals will never understand.

This book could only have been written by an author who is both a scholar and an entrepreneur himself, and who therefore possesses a kind of knowledge superior to that of the pure academic.

Autry has met all of the entrepreneurs featured in the book who are still alive - some only briefly, others more closely. I have read many biographies of Musk, Bezos, and Branson, and of course I was already familiar with Vanderbilt and Carnegie. Nevertheless, I learned a great deal from this book and read it in one sitting. As a reader, I am already looking forward to Autry's next parallel biographies, since he announces that he intends to write more.

Anyone interested in entrepreneurship will learn more from this book than from many years spent studying business administration.

In June, Skyhorse Publishing will release Rainer Zitelmann's book "New Space Capitalism."

Tyler Durden Sun, 08/23/2026 - 17:30

Trump Accuses BBC Of Turning Defamation Case Into 'Jan 6' Investigation

Zero Hedge -

Trump Accuses BBC Of Turning Defamation Case Into 'Jan 6' Investigation

Authored by Tom Gantert via The Epoch Times,

President Donald Trump is asking a federal judge to reject the BBC's attempt to subpoena three members of his family as part of discovery in his defamation lawsuit against the British broadcaster.

Trump's attorneys filed a memorandum Aug. 21 opposing the BBC's request for permission to use alternative methods to serve subpoenas on Donald Trump Jr., Ivanka Trump, and Jared Kushner.

Trump's lawyers accused the BBC of attempting to transform what they described as a narrow defamation case into a broad investigation of the events surrounding Jan. 6, 2021.

The lawsuit concerns a BBC documentary in which the BBC spliced together portions of the president's Jan. 6 speech, delivered nearly 55 minutes apart, while omitting his statement that supporters should march "peacefully and patriotically" to the U.S. Capitol.

The BBC apologized for the editing but said it was an unintentional error and does not meet the legal threshold for defamation.

Trump's filing says the BBC chairman acknowledged that the editing created a "mistaken impression."

According to Trump's attorneys, the BBC sought 126 document requests and approximately 150 requests for admission from Trump, and issued subpoenas to 47 family members, former officials, political associates, and federal agencies.

The court ruled Aug. 6 that the lawsuit did not permit the BBC to "relitigate and discover every aspect" of Jan. 6 or seek discovery from "any and all individuals" with knowledge of the events. The judge directed the parties to conduct a meaningful conference to resolve remaining discovery disputes.

Trump's attorneys argue the BBC filed its latest motion eight days later, without following that process.

They also contend the BBC is seeking authorization to serve subpoenas that have not been presented to the court. The filing says the BBC has not submitted revised document subpoenas or proposed deposition subpoenas detailing what the three family members would be required to provide or testify about.

Trump's attorneys also argued that additional depositions would be redundant because all three were previously interviewed by the House committee investigating Jan. 6. Those interviews totaled 585 pages and addressed subjects the BBC says it wants to explore, according to the filing.

The filing particularly challenges the effort to depose Kushner, saying that he was outside the country during Trump's speech and the subsequent riot at the U.S. Capitol.

Trump's attorneys asked the court to deny the BBC's motion, arguing the broadcaster has failed to justify its proposed ways to deliver the subpoenas and failed to comply with the court's Aug. 6 discovery order.

The BBC declined to comment in response to an email from The Epoch Times seeking comment.

Tyler Durden Sun, 08/23/2026 - 16:20

Temporary Protected Status Ends For 13 Nationalities

Zero Hedge -

Temporary Protected Status Ends For 13 Nationalities

Authored by Troy Myers via The Epoch Times,

A court on Aug. 18 effectively ended Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for the last of 13 nationalities that the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) targeted during President Donald Trump's second term.

In total, more than a million foreign nationals living in the United States with such deportation protections are now up for removal.

The 13 countries included Haiti, Syria, Yemen, Afghanistan, Cameroon, Nepal, Honduras, Nicaragua, Venezuela, South Sudan, Burma, Somalia, and Ethiopia.

In June, the Supreme Court allowed Trump to end the status for Syrians and Haitians and did so with reasoning that applied to cases involving other nationalities as well. Some lower courts initially resisted Trump's revocations, but by Aug. 18, each of those judicial blocks had fallen.

Here's what we know about what this means and what's next.

Are Mass Deportations Coming?

DHS and legal experts say the more than one million foreign nationals previously covered by TPS are now, technically, illegal aliens.

The first deportation flight to Haiti since the Supreme Court ruling departed on Aug. 20, carrying more than 160 individuals. Among those removed were former TPS holders and Haitians who served prison sentences in the United States, according to Haitian officials.

Neama Rahmani, a former federal prosecutor who worked on immigration issues, told The Epoch Times that few options remained for the foreign nationals to challenge their deportations.

"That designation is gone. That protection disappears," Rahmani said. "Now, that doesn't mean a million people get deported. ... They still have to go through the normal removal proceeding."

He said that some could self-deport or be removed under orders that were in place before they received protected status.

DHS did not respond to requests for more information on enforcement of the TPS revocations for more than a million foreign nationals.

After the Aug. 18 decision, DHS urged foreign nationals to self-deport - take a free flight home and a $2,600 check - or be removed.

"For decades, TEMPORARY Protected Status was used as a [de facto] amnesty program. Those days are OVER. Those with terminated TPS are now in our nation ILLEGALLY. They must leave now or be swiftly DEPORTED," said the DHS on X.

Court Battles

The DHS secretary has authority to decide when a country merits a TPS designation.

The secretary is also required to periodically review and extend or revoke the status, which is meant to be granted for countries affected by armed conflict, environmental disasters, or other extraordinary or temporary dangerous conditions. If the DHS secretary finds that conditions in a designated country no longer warrant protected status, they can terminate it.

Lawsuits seeking to block the terminations, which were done under then-DHS Secretary Kristi Noem, alleged the administration failed to follow proper procedures, including reviewing conditions in these countries, before terminating the protections.

Some judges agreed, before the Supreme Court issued a decision over protections for Syrians and Haitians in which a majority of justices agreed with the administration's argument that federal judges lacked authority to review the department's TPS determinations. They noted a section of the Immigration and Nationality Act that bars judicial review and clarified that it applied even to procedural challenges, like those brought under the Administrative Procedure Act.

While some countries' terminations were already in effect, others were still blocked when the Supreme Court ruled.

Some of the lower court judges overseeing those remaining cases were accused by DHS of dragging their feet in issuing orders that comply with the high court's ruling.

DHS special counsel James Percival began posting on X a daily reminder of each judge who had not followed the Supreme Court precedent. He singled out District Judge Brian Murphy, who oversaw Ethiopia's case, for waiting more than 50 days to lift his administrative stay on the country's TPS termination.

Although the final judicial block fell on Aug. 18, appearing to be the last breath of the legal challenges against TPS terminations, there remains a small chance that at least one case could be revived.

Lawyers jointly representing Nepalese, Honduran, and Nicaraguan former TPS holders are attempting to amend their initial lawsuit with a new bare animus claim alleging that the Trump administration's efforts to end protected status were unconstitutional "because they were motivated by explicit animosity and a desire to harm TPS holders," an Aug. 20 court filing said.

Lawyers for the federal government argued in their own court filing that the plaintiffs "do not have any prospect of victory."

They pointed to an Aug. 7 decision in Burma's TPS lawsuit that rejected a similar attempt to amend the challenge with a bare animus claim.

"There is a distinction between bare desire to harm TPS holders and animus against TPS policy," wrote District Judge Matthew Kennelly of the District Court for the Northern District of Illinois. "The Supreme Court's reasoning in [the Syria and Haiti case] points to the latter, not the former."

District Judge Trina Thompson for the Northern District of California, overseeing the Nepal, Honduras, and Nicaragua case, had not ruled on the matter at the time of this publication.

Judge Murphy, overseeing Ethiopia's case, denied the plaintiff's motion to postpone termination of TPS but granted their motion to amend their complaint with a new ultra vires claim, arguing then-Secretary Noem acted beyond her authority in ending protected status.

Regardless, Rahmani said he believed any further challenges or appeals would likely have very little success considering the Supreme Court's decision.

"They can sue, but they're probably gonna lose," he said. "It's been pretty clear the executive branch can remove these protections."

How TPS Was Granted

Protected status can be designated for six, 12, or 18 months at a time and must be periodically reviewed by the DHS secretary to ensure a country is still experiencing armed conflict, environmental disasters, or other extraordinary or temporary conditions.

Some of the 13 countries were initially granted TPS due to armed conflict, like a bloody civil war in Syria that prompted the United States to grant its citizens protected status in March 2012.

Other countries were designated under TPS after devastating natural disasters, including a 7.0-magnitude earthquake in Haiti in 2010, a 7.8-magnitude earthquake in Nepal in 2015, and Hurricane Mitch that ravaged Honduras and Nicaragua in 1998.

Somalia remained under protected status the longest out of these 13 countries - since September 1991. Three decades of armed conflict and instability warranted extensions of TPS across multiple U.S. administrations.

About 170,000 Salvadorans living in the United States are set to become the 14th nationality to lose their deportation protections on Sept. 9. The country has remained under TPS since March 2001 after catastrophic earthquakes.

The Debate

Advocacy groups and Democratic lawmakers have criticized the Trump administration's efforts, arguing that some of the 13 countries remain war-torn and unsafe for their nationals to return to. Some judges who oversaw TPS cases wrote words critical of the policy changes in new orders to overturn their previous blocks.

District Judge Allison Burroughs, overseeing Somalia's case, noted in her order lifting her previous block that Somalis once under TPS face a humanitarian crisis in their home country. She described the foreign nationals as "productive members of our communities who have lived here for years, built a life here, worked here and raised their families here."

New York Gov. Kathy Hochul wrote a letter to DHS Secretary Markwayne Mullin, urging him to reinstate protected status. She said the deportation of foreign nationals from the state's workforce will have a "heavy impact" on a myriad of industries.

"By knowingly and cruelly forcing thousands of families to leave our country and return to their home countries, regardless of any ongoing or worsening humanitarian crises, the White House is committing a reckless and inhumane act," Hochul wrote.

Rep. Ayanna Pressley (D-Mass.) demanded that the Senate return to session to pass a bill that would extend TPS specifically for Haiti, where she said, in an Aug. 21 post on X, has an "ongoing humanitarian crisis."

The lower chamber already passed the legislation earlier this year in a 224-204 vote.

Meanwhile, federal officials have said TPS is meant to be temporary and has never been designed as a pathway to obtaining permanent U.S. citizenship.

Foreign nationals could attempt to claim asylum, Rahmani noted, which is very difficult to do now in the United States.

Asylum claims are designated for foreign nationals with a well-founded fear of persecution or torture in their home countries.

Rahmani said some foreign nationals could fight their deportation on the grounds that they are married to an American citizen - as long as it's a "bona fide marriage" and not fraudulent.

Marriage is the quickest and easiest way for a foreign national to gain status, he said.

Some may self-deport, taking DHS's offer of a free flight and a $2,600 check, Rahmani said, but others may continue living in the United States "under the radar," as enforcing the end of TPS for more than a million foreign nationals will take time.

"I expect that a lot of people who don't have legal status to be here, they'll continue to remain here, live in the United States unlawfully," Rahmani said. "It'll be up to DHS to find them, apprehend them, and remove them."

Tyler Durden Sun, 08/23/2026 - 15:10

Karmelo Anthony Request For New Trial Denied After Disturbing Revelations

Zero Hedge -

Karmelo Anthony Request For New Trial Denied After Disturbing Revelations

The narrative of the innocent black kid standing up to "white bullies" is falling apart.  Karmelo Anthony, age 19, was convicted in June 2026 of murdering 17-year-old Austin Metcalf (who was also 17 at the time) by fatally stabbing him in the chest during a confrontation at a high school track meet in April 2025.  A Collin County jury sentenced him to 35 years in prison. Anthony claimed self-defense; arguing that Metcalf "shoved him" and that he was protecting himself.

Anthony's family raised $634,000 from gullible liberals on claims self defense and racism, but their story started to fall apart early in the trial.  His conviction was met with outrage by progressive commentators and Democrat politician who continue to assert that Anthony should be freed from prison.  Efforts were immediately launched for a new trial.

However, Kaufman County Judge Michael Chitty (appointed after the original trial judge was recused) denied the motion in a brief order after a two-day hearing, stating he had reviewed the motion, record, evidence, arguments, briefs, and case law.

  

During the new-trial hearing, previously excluded character evidence was discussed that was kept out of the original trial.  Under an informal “gentleman’s agreement” between prosecutors and defense, this evidence was omitted and focus was limited to the day of the incident in order to avoid "inflaming racial tensions".  

This new evidence included text messages and notes from Karmelo Anthony expressing extreme violence.  Examples included messages about stabbing someone and “licking the blood off the blade.”  There were threats toward an ex-girlfriend, including a photo of a knife and Anthony saying he was “low key on the verge” the day he murdered Austin Metcalf. 

There were also reports of Anthony stalking his ex-girlfriends, other threats of violence, school disciplinary issues involving fights, jokes about school shootings, and related content.

These revelations help to paint a picture of a warped individual that seemed to be looking for an opportunity for a violent encounter.  This helps to explain why Anthony invaded the tent of an opposing high school team and refused to leave - He may have wanted someone to confront him, and that person just happened to be Austin Metcalf.  Had it not been Metcalf it's likely that Anthony would have simply killed someone else down the road.

Defense lawyers say they plan to appeal the case to the 5th Court of Appeals in Dallas.

  

The incident became a flashpoint for racial tension in the US, with leftists and black activists celebrating the murder of Metcalf as "payback" for the "crimes of white America."  It's a trend which has been gestating for many years due to woke ideology and the concept of social and financial "reparations" in the name of righting the wrongs of the past by punishing white people today.  

The case also brought many misconceptions about self defense law to the surface and proved that, sadly, far too many people are ignorant of how these laws work.  Deadly force cannot be used without a legitimate threat to life and limb.  Feeling insulted because someone call you out for bad behavior, or being shoved out of a tent, is not legal grounds to murder that person.

Ultimately, the Karmelo Anthony case once again exposed a dangerous disconnect between black culture and the rest of America.  Their seething obsession with "respect" that they have not earned is leading the black community down a path to disaster.    

Tyler Durden Sun, 08/23/2026 - 14:35

WHO Says Pandemic Determinations Can Be Made Without 'Evidence Of Illness'

Zero Hedge -

WHO Says Pandemic Determinations Can Be Made Without 'Evidence Of Illness'

Authored by Jon Fleetwood via Modernity News,

The World Health Organization (WHO) says evidence that a person is actually sick is not required for a "laboratory-confirmed" human influenza infection with "the potential to cause a pandemic" to trigger mandatory international reporting.

"Evidence of illness is not required for this report," WHO states in its latest Influenza at the Human-Animal Interface assessment, which covered July 8 through August 7, 2026.

WHO says countries must "immediately notify WHO of any laboratory-confirmed case of a recent human infection caused by an influenza A virus with the potential to cause a pandemic."

Then, immediately afterward:

"Evidence of illness is not required for this report."

The statement raises an obvious question: If evidence of illness is not required to set off a chain of events that could trigger authoritarian international pandemic response, what evidence is required?

WHO points to a "laboratory-confirmed" finding.

But WHO's own influenza laboratory manual shows that such determinations are made using real-time RT-PCR tests.

But PCR does not directly observe a virus.

It measures fluorescence (the amount of light emitted) from test chemicals mixed with a sample.

WHO describes PCR methods using fluorescent dyes and probes carrying a fluorescent reporter and quencher.

But fluorescence can also increase through unintended pathways, potentially contributing to a false-positive reading.

Those pathways include reagent cross-reactions, probe cleavage or degradation, reporter or quencher detachment or degradation, optical cross-talk, and changes in reporter - quencher behavior caused by heat - which PCR intentionally applies to the sample over and over during testing.

WHO's manual confirms that PCR repeatedly heats the test material, including to 95°C, and that real-time PCR results are evaluated by whether fluorescence rises above a threshold.

It also explicitly acknowledges background signal, contamination, and false-positive results.

The implications are difficult to ignore.

WHO is saying evidence of illness is not required at the gateway to its pandemic-potential reporting system, while the "laboratory-confirmed" evidence that can substitute for illness may itself rest on light readings susceptible to false-positive signals.

Bottom Line

The world saw what can follow a pandemic determination during COVID-19: lockdowns, business and school closures, masking and distancing mandates, travel restrictions, and vaccination requirements.

WHO now says "Evidence of illness is not required" for certain "laboratory-confirmed" infections with pandemic potential to trigger international reporting.

If nobody has to be sick, and "laboratory confirmation" can ultimately rest on a fluorescence reading, what evidence of actual disease must exist before governments begin exercising pandemic powers?

Tyler Durden Sun, 08/23/2026 - 14:00

Tehran At The Crossroads: Iran's Civilian Leaders Call For Peace Amid Crippling U.S. Blockade

Zero Hedge -

Tehran At The Crossroads: Iran's Civilian Leaders Call For Peace Amid Crippling U.S. Blockade

Iran's top civilian officials are publicly urging an end to the ongoing conflict with the United States, exposing a deepening internal rift as they attempt to rein in hardliners who champion continued resistance.

Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian speaks during a visit to the shrine of the leader of Iran's 1979 Islamic Revolution, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, in southern Tehran, Iran, January 31, 2026

The financial and social toll of the U.S. blockade is proving too severe to ignore - as Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian recently declared that the country cannot endure a state of perpetual limbo, though he cautioned against making concessions that would appear humiliating on the global stage.

"The war must come to an end at some point," Pezeshkian stated in a Friday address, according to state media. "It is better that we demonstrate our strength and dignity today and tell the world that we have won and that we are ending the war."

President Donald Trump has maintained a relentless blockade on the Islamic Republic after a previous memorandum of understanding imploded - effectively severing the regime's ability to export oil - its primary source of income. This has plunged Iran into a domestic crisis characterized by skyrocketing inflation and an increasingly desperate cost-of-living crisis. The pressure is expected to intensify further this week, as U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent prepares to unveil what President Trump has characterized as an "economic D-Day."

While the exact nature of these punitive measures remains classified, Bessent has strongly signaled the implementation of sweeping secondary sanctions targeting any nation that continues to do business with Tehran.

A Regime Divided

The push for diplomacy from Iran's civilian government stands in stark contrast to the shifting power dynamics among its clerics and military elite. Pezeshkian claims his diplomatic push aligns with the broader goals of the regime, referencing past speeches by Ayatollah Mojtaba Khamenei - who has conspicuously vanished from the public eye since the conflict escalated.

"I was in the presence of the Supreme Leader, and in his speeches as well, he openly stated that we must move beyond this state of 'neither war nor peace,'" Pezeshkian noted. "We are not going to humiliatingly back down before the enemy or bow our heads. We can sit down with strength, but also with logic, and resolve our problems."

Prior to his public absence, Khamenei had elevated hardline factions who favor military confrontation over the moderates seeking a renewed deal with Washington. Despite this, Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf echoed the President's warnings, underscoring the severe national security risks of a collapsing economy.

"No matter how much military power we have, if our people are struggling and the country lacks financial circulation and economic growth, we will not achieve progress," Ghalibaf stated. "As someone who has experienced war, I understand the true value of peace."

Washington's Stance: The "Right Deal"

The Trump administration's distrust stems from the fraught history of recent negotiations, during which U.S. officials reported receiving deeply conflicting signals from Tehran. The previous agreement shattered after Iran launched a series of strikes on maritime vessels navigating the Strait of Hormuz.

For the United States, the objectives remain twofold and uncompromising: Nuclear Prevention: Ensuring Iran permanently loses the capacity to develop or acquire a nuclear weapon. Maritime Security: The full reopening of the Strait of Hormuz to global trade.

Currently, the Trump administration claims it's securing the safe passage of 8 to 9 million barrels of oil through the strait daily - a steep decline from the roughly 20 million barrels that traversed the waterway before the conflict erupted.

Washington is signaling that it will dictate the terms. Addressing reporters on Friday, President Trump summarized the diplomatic standoff: "They would love to make a deal, but they're not ready to make the right deal."

Tyler Durden Sun, 08/23/2026 - 12:00

Azerbaijan Sues CNN Over Story On Cooperation With Israel In War On Iran

Zero Hedge -

Azerbaijan Sues CNN Over Story On Cooperation With Israel In War On Iran

Authored by Jonathan Turley,

There is a novel (and highly dubious) lawsuit filed in Delaware by the nation of Azerbaijan against CNN for a story claiming that it was cooperating with Israel in attacks on Iran. Republic of Azerbaijan v. CNN, Inc. borders on the legally frivolous, but it is likely politically advantageous to show Iran that it contests the allegations.

In its Complaint, Azerbaijan details the development of hostilities while maintaining neutrality:

Azerbaijan, which shares a border with Iran to the south, is not and has never been a participant in the Iran War. Azerbaijan has not supported military operations by any of the warring nations.

...Azerbaijan maintains a policy of neutrality and independence. Azerbaijan does not host any foreign military bases on its territory and, as a non-aligned state, maintains a strict official policy and legislative framework against foreign military footprints.

The basis for the lawsuit is what the country calls "CNN's reckless reporting" on June 5, 2026 in a post titled "Exclusive: Israel sent troops to Azerbaijan during Iran war, sources say." The article claiming that Azerbaijan allowed Israel to use its territory to launch attacks against Iran no doubt raised the ire of the Islamic Republic.

Indeed, the Complaint lays out how Iran threatened any countries assisting Iran and suggested that the story was putting them at risk of an Iranian attack:

Ali Larijani, a senior Iranian official, threatened: 'The countries of the region must either prevent the use of their soil by America against Iran themselves, or we will.' Similarly, Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps ("IRGC") has issued a press release unambiguously stating that 'Countries that host the aggressor American military and have placed their land at the disposal of the aggressor criminals for attacks on Iran should be prepared to receive a corresponding response, and should activate their civil defence [sic] units to safeguard the lives of their citizens and move them away from likely targets.'

The complaint, however, faces even more daunting legal challenges. While the Complaint alleges that "CNN's false reporting caused reputational harm to Azerbaijan and threatens tenuous international relations," it is doubtful that a court will view this as a viable tort claim under defamation.

We have previously discussed lawsuits by countries or nationality groups that have been dismissed. The leading case on defamation, New York Times v. Sullivan, expressly states, "For good reason, "no court of last resort in this country has ever held, or even suggested, that prosecutions for libel on government have any place in the American system of jurisprudence."

In 2000, a state court dismissed Air Zimbabwe v. Chicago Tribune Co. (Cal. Super. Ct. 2000), due to the fact that Air Zimbabwe is "a government entity, is precluded under the First Amendment from pursuing a defamation claim."

Moreover, there are elemental problems in making such a claim. A country would be treated as a public official or figure subject to the "actual malice" standard, requiring knowing falsehood or reckless disregard of the truth. CNN clearly had sources that led it to believe the accounts were true. Indeed, many countries, including those asserting neutrality, have secret agreements or accommodations in this and other wars.

Proving that no such agreement existed or that there was not a defensible basis for the story would be very difficult.

The question of harm is also intriguing. Many would view cooperating against Iran as an admirable decision for Azerbaijan. Although it clearly puts Azerbaijan at odds with Iran, it puts it in alignment with other countries such as the United States. It is difficult to see how damages would be measured in such a circumstance, even if a viable claim on the merits could be established.

This case asks a court to adjudicate global political questions with shadowy sources and factual claims. I would be surprised if any court would relish such a trial and expect that Republic of Azerbaijan v. CNN, Inc. will soon join the list of dismissed actions.

Tyler Durden Sun, 08/23/2026 - 11:40

"Civilizational Suicide": China's Humanoids Sprint Ahead As Americans Fight Over Data Center And Socialism

Zero Hedge -

"Civilizational Suicide": China's Humanoids Sprint Ahead As Americans Fight Over Data Center And Socialism

The five-day 2026 World Humanoid Robot Games at Beijing's National Speed Skating Oval are well underway, and on Saturday, an AI-powered humanoid robot reached 14.5 meters per second, or 32.5 mph.

More than 2,000 humanoid robots are participating in the World Humanoid Robot Games across 51 disciplines and more than 1,000 competitions spanning running, table tennis, and soccer.

The games opened during the same week as the 2026 World Robot Conference in Beijing, where companies displayed 3,000 products, and the blockbuster IPO of China-based Unitree. Together, the events and IPO suggest that China is pulling far ahead of the US in humanoid robotics. The main reason is that China controls much of the global supply chain for actuators, motors, optics, and other critical components required to manufacture humanoid robots.

Related:

Arthur MacWaters, who co-founded Legion Health, an AI-native telepsychiatry company, emphasized on X, "We're having debates about data centers, and China is publicly developing superhuman robot armies. What the actual hell are we doing here, guys?"

Another X user said, "We're shooting ourselves in the foot because we want to sit around and watch Netflix and eat Cheetos."

MacWaters responded, "It's civilizational suicide."

While the Trump administration is moving to reindustrialize the US and reshore critical supply chains, the Democratic Party's socialist wing and its far-left allies are advancing an agenda that risks weakening the country from within.

The timing is dangerous. As China expands its AI infrastructure, advanced-manufacturing base, and military power, DSA proposals to block new data centers and neuter US defense capabilities would undermine two pillars of national power. What may be pitched as economic or social reform increasingly carries major national-security consequences and may suggest that these movements are being influenced by subversive networks within left-wing NGO spheres (read here).

We set the narrative at the start of the year that humanoids will move beyond factory floors towards the battlefield. Ukraine confirmed this (see here). 

Tyler Durden Sun, 08/23/2026 - 11:05

The Great Burrito Debate And The Uncomfortable Solution To Inflation

Zero Hedge -

The Great Burrito Debate And The Uncomfortable Solution To Inflation

Authored by Brandon Smith via Alt-Market.us

Recently one of the most important debates in the history of conservative discourse raged across the internet, with sides deeply divided and solutions rare or nonexistent. This debate went largely unnoticed by the rest of the country but it regards the deepest underlying foundations of our economic future.

I am speaking, of course, about the “Great Burrito Debate” of 2026.

Okay, maybe I’m exaggerating about the significance but I do think this conflict taps into the core of people’s concerns about America’s inflation problem. Not only that, but it exposes a lot of misconceptions people have about what inflation is, what’s causing it and who is to blame.

The burrito debate started as an honest discussion about the cost of living crisis and somehow ended up as dog-pile on conservative manners when it comes to economic discourse. Many conservative and libertarian commentators jumped into the fray with their two cents, though, the vast majority of them have minimal economic background, which I think added more confusion than clarity to the issue.

After two decades of macroeconomic analysis (and predicting the stagflationary crisis well in advance of the Ivy League “experts”) I thought I might offer my own perspective.

Keep in mind, those of us in the alternative economic field had to fight against the lies of the Biden Administration as well as establishment economists like Paul Krugman and Federal Reserve officials like Janet Yellen just to wake the public up to the fact that inflation was upon us and that it was NOT “transitory”.

Ultimately, everyone’s bank balances and monthly bills could not be denied and the gas-lighting ended. The only recourse of the establishment at that point was to blame Trump for all of it. The “Herbert Hoover” comparisons were rampant.

Who Really Has The Power To End Inflation?

To be clear, Trump has reduced the size of government by around 12%, which is an incredible accomplishment considering the amount of legal resistance that was put in place to stop him. However, he did not reduce government spending, which is currently 3% higher than under Biden.

One problem is that 60% of all federal spending is mandatory. By law, programs like Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, etc. all scale their spending to match inflation and there is very little that Trump can do about that. Then there’s the rising interest on debt payments, which is controlled by the Federal Reserve, not the President. Trump’s cuts were only focused on discretionary spending, on institutions like USAID, and even those measures were repeatedly throttled by activist judges.

Trump has tried to circumvent the bureaucracy by issuing tariffs as a counter to the debt problem, but once again, activist judges have intervened. For those who claim that tariffs are “causing inflation”, this is simply false. The contribution tariffs make to CPI is negligible (around 0.5 percentage points). The media (and some libertarians) continue to falsely claim that tariffs are an issue.

This is where I think the public has a disconnect from the reality of the situation, and this includes fiscal conservatives who think they are “holding Trump’s feet to the fire” over US debt. The president is not all-powerful and he has very little control over the direction of the US economy. If he made all the cuts these people demand, he would have to become a dictator and he would have to do it by force.

That is to say, they can’t have it both ways. Either the President takes a constitutional hands-off approach to the economy and government spending, or, he goes full-bore Francisco Franco, declares himself supreme leader, and starts chopping out large pieces of the government (the Spanish “Stabilization Plan” of 1959, not the price control plan of 1939 which ultimately failed).

That’s the only way these kinds of policies are going to happen in the US because Congress isn’t going to do jack. Congress’ primary job is to maintain the status quo, not enact solutions.

The reason fiscal reform is impossible is because our modern government is designed to perpetuate itself; it is designed to grow forever. This is accomplished through the bureaucracy, which is the REAL power base within American politics. Most people do not understand that political leaders come and go, but the bureaucracy is forever and there are no term limits.

The socialist parasites within these structures control the direction of the country and the economy (this includes the central bank). When they face any real political opposition, they simply stall, obstruct, and wait for that political party or leader to leave office. Trump, for example, has only four years to redirect a system that has been on the wrong path for decades. It’s not going to happen without bringing the hammer down.

This brings us back to the “Burrito Debate” and the issue of inflation vs public expectations. The debate started with a post quoting college students complaining about the cost of basic necessities including a “$20 dollar price tag” on burritos. This triggered a wider discussion about affordability vs perception, then spiraled into an argument over conservatives not having enough empathy for struggling youth.

Critics asserted that conservative dismissals of the ongoing cost of living crisis will lead to younger generations rushing to support socialism, and MAGA would be to blame. There are two elements to this argument that I think need to be addressed and I’ll try to summarize as best I can.

Gen Z Has No Point Of Reference Because History Is Ignored

First, there’s the issue of younger generations not having a point of reference for how bad the cost of living crisis today is compared to previous generations. Second, there’s the lack of understanding among older generations on where the current crisis is likely headed in the future without drastic action.

Of course, no burrito actually costs $20. This is a terrible contention which is not based in reality. Maybe it’s the most expensive burrito in the most expensive restaurant in a high cost city like San Francisco or New York, but for the majority of the country a burrito is pocket change.

This brings me to the first issue, which is the younger generation’s lack of historical perspective. To be clear, the current inflationary crisis in the US is NOT the worst inflationary crisis this country has seen in modern times. Not yet, anyway.

From 1972-1981 (just after the US dollar was fully detached from the gold standard), the US suffered one of the most brutal series of inflationary beatings in the nation’s history. Inflation rates hit as high as 13% per year, food prices rose by around 120%, rent prices jumped by 75%, home prices rose by 150% and gas shortages were rampant.

The 1970s demoralized middle-class America. The poverty rate hit 14% and the unemployment rate peaked at 9%. Wages remained stagnant or even dropped for some workers. The average yearly income by 1981 was only $12,000 for individual workers. Most younger people today complain about how “the boomers had it easy” with food prices and house prices back in the day. They don’t actually consider how low wages were, or how high inflation was.

The point is, yes, Gen Z is struggling. Their fears should not be dismissed as frivolous. That said, I think because of internet culture and false expectations, many young people assume they are going through the worst crisis of all time and that no one understands them.

In reality, generations before them had it MUCH worse. The inflationary crisis of the 1970s did not end until the Federal Reserve exploded interest rates to 20%, causing a deflationary reset and making loans unattainable for most people for years.

If you are in your 20s and you think you’re not supposed to be struggling, I’m here to tell you that you’re wrong. We all had to struggle, many of us with terrible wages and low job availability compared to today. Don’t expect to be living comfortably until your mid-30s. It’s just the way things have always been.

Every generation experiences periods of economic uncertainty. But this doesn’t mean that there’s not considerable danger looming in the near future.

Kicking The Can Has Created An Economic Time Bomb

What some conservatives get wrong is the notion that the system can be fixed politically and that things will improve if we only keep Democrats out of office. Keeping leftists away from power is always a good thing, if only to prevent the country from going completely communist and cannibalizing itself. But when it comes to inflation, once an avalanche is set in motion it can’t be stopped and this avalanche has been building for decades.

Inflation cannot be reversed without a deflationary event. Since the credit crash of 2008-2009, political leaders and the Federal Reserve have been aggressively trying to prevent any deflation (the Keynesian standard). Which means that America (and most of the world) has not taken the deflationary medicine we should have taken years ago. Instead, we kicked the can down the road.

Some “experts” believe we can kick the can down the road for eternity. This is foolish.

The Catch-22 is that the central bankers must continue to intervene to prevent deflation but each time they do they pump up the money supply and create even more inflation, which then demands more deflation for balance.

The pandemic event was the most recent instance of this intervention. The covid bailouts caused an immense inflationary reaction and the spike in prices that followed is what most of Gen Z is feeling today as they enter the work-a-day world.

If the Fed stimulates, more inflation is on the way. If they hike interest rates and refuse to intervene, the US faces a deflationary crash. This is where we’re at in 2026 and yes, Gen Z and Gen Alpha will be hit the hardest unless something is done. But what?

The only policy solution that makes sense is an organized deflation plan, if such a thing is possible. Meaning, a reformed government would have to eliminate the central bank, hike rates far higher than they currently are, refuse to bail out failing companies relying on cheap debt, then institute austerity measures on social programs for everyone except the disabled and elderly. This is basically what Franco did (while also hunting down hundreds of thousands of liberals and communists, but let’s set that aside for now).

This government would have to find a way to cut spending, balance the budget and also act to mitigate greater damage to consumers by reducing taxes wherever possible (perhaps even ending property taxes on single family homes).

That would require a level of institutional coordination and cooperation that does not exist in the US right now. Again, Trump, or someone else, would have to act like an economic authoritarian and dictate every detail of the operation.

The system could return to a more normal condition after the economic bubble has been strategically burst, but I suspect similar actions would have to take place perhaps every 25 years to prevent another buildup of inflationary pressure. It would be a kind of “reset”, but not in the way that globalists at the WEF imagine. It would be a planned reset coordinated with the public so we are no longer waiting around for the bankers or random chance to decide when a crash is going to occur.

Meaning, each generation would have to accept the responsibility of dealing with a controlled deflationary downturn for at least a few years. Planning such an event would make it possible for the public to prep ahead of time. It could become a sort of deflationary tradition; similar to a Jubilee.

The only other option, as noted, is to do nothing and wait for the bubble to burst on its own. Eventually, high prices will drag down spending enough that deflation sets in. Job losses will jump. The Yen-carry trade will derail. A Black Swan event will pull the rug out from under us – Something will happen that sets the deflationary chain of events in motion and the central bank will do what it always does: Print money.

This is true of almost every country in the world right now. The US is not the only economy facing inflationary dilemmas, it’s just the largest.

A time will come when the dollar won’t be able to take it anymore and the currency system will break. Then, your burritos really will cost $20 or more and that will be a terrible day of reckoning. It’s a conundrum that should have been dealt with back in 2009, but NO ONE wants to be responsible for the financial pain caused by taking that bitter deflationary pill.

Tyler Durden Sun, 08/23/2026 - 10:30

Death Of Europe's Industrial Base: VW CEO Set To Announce 50,000 Job Cuts

Zero Hedge -

Death Of Europe's Industrial Base: VW CEO Set To Announce 50,000 Job Cuts

Europe's industrial demise has become impossible to ignore. The continent's automotive manufacturing base is being hollowed out by high energy costs, regulatory pressure, and a flood of cheap Chinese electric vehicles, with Germany, once Europe's industrial powerhouse, emerging as the epicenter of this terrible decline.

Germany's largest manufacturer by revenue is Volkswagen Group, whose CEO, Oliver Blume, is warning employees that the coming weeks will be critical as Europe's largest automaker prepares to detail the most extensive restructuring in its history.

"The next few weeks will be crucial: everyone must pull together," he told local outlet Bild am Sonntag. "We have drawn up the largest transformation plan in the history of the Volkswagen Group."

The upcoming meetings, scheduled for next week, are expected to provide employees and union representatives with new details about the plan to shed 50,000 jobs.

"The next few years will be decisive in determining who stays in the race and who comes out on top," Blume said, pointing to massive pressure to slash costs, fundamental shifts in the market, and global turmoil.

Blume warned, "The global car industry is in the midst of a massive crisis. And the Volkswagen Group is right in the thick of it. Geopolitics, trade barriers, regulation, weak markets and fierce competition are all taking their toll."

Christiane Benner, deputy chairwoman of VW's supervisory board and head of Germany's IG Metall union, told local outlet Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung that Blume's plan to cut 50,000 jobs is a "hard provocation," adding that trust in management is severely "strained."

Meanwhile, Volkswagen is holding "concrete negotiations" with Chinese automakers about assembling their vehicles at German factories, Benner said. Such deals could help protect domestic jobs and improve plant utilization, though she cautioned that they would represent only a "complementary measure" rather than a comprehensive solution.

Talks aimed at securing the future of VW's Osnabrück plant are also progressing, according to Benner, who added that Qatar blocked a potential agreement involving Israeli defense contractor Rafael to convert a civilian production line to military production.

Whether the issue is the death of a industrial base, the Third World invasion of Europe, or disastrous green and energy policies that have sent energy prices through the roof, Brussels' terrible decisions are, as Nomura analyst Andrzej Szczepaniak described, "seeding political change" that will push the continent "toward more populism."

Tyler Durden Sun, 08/23/2026 - 09:55

Alfalfa Sprouts Linked To Bacterial Infections In 15 US States

Zero Hedge -

Alfalfa Sprouts Linked To Bacterial Infections In 15 US States

Authored by Naveen Athrappully via The Epoch Times,

A total of 55 people have been infected with E. coli and Salmonella across 15 states in an outbreak linked to alfalfa sprouts, according to the Food and Drug Administration.

Fresh homegrown Alfalfa or Lucerne Medicago sativa sprouts in white bowl. Courtesy of the CDC

Of those 55 people, 46 were infected with Shiga toxin-producing E. coli, or STEC, seven with Salmonella, and two with both pathogens, according to the FDA's Aug. 21 update. Four people have been hospitalized, and no deaths have been reported.

Minnesota accounted for the largest number of infections, with 21 cases, according to data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

Wisconsin followed with 17 cases. Florida, North Carolina, North Dakota, and New York each reported two cases. Iowa, Indiana, Kansas, Michigan, New Hampshire, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, South Dakota, and Washington each reported one.

According to the CDC, illnesses began on May 31, with the most recent case beginning on Aug. 8.

State and local health officials have been interviewing sick people about the foods they ate during the week before becoming ill. Of the 37 people interviewed, 26 reported eating alfalfa sprouts.

Traceback investigations at grocery stores and restaurants identified alfalfa sprouts distributed by Minnesota-based Everything Sprouts LLC as a source of illnesses, according to the FDA.

On Wednesday, the FDA began an inspection at the company and collected product samples. Investigators are working to determine the source of contamination and whether other products or companies are connected to the outbreak.

Everything Sprouts said in an Aug. 21 statement that it was coordinating with the FDA and CDC to recall certain lots of alfalfa sprouts because of potential contamination with STEC and Salmonella.

The recall covers Everything Sprouts Alfalfa sprouts sold in 5-ounce plastic containers with lids and distributed from May 27 through Aug. 21. The products were shipped to retail grocery stores in Minnesota and Wisconsin as well as certain third-party distributors.

The company said federal and state agencies had notified it of reported illnesses. It also said it had tested its products daily during the outbreak and had not received a positive laboratory result.

Everything Sprouts said it was continuing to work with public-health officials to investigate the potential problem and would provide updates as more information became available.

The company also said that, as of its statement, it had received no direct reports of illnesses involving the recalled products.

According to Everything Sprouts, STEC and Salmonella infections can cause serious health problems. STEC infection can lead to acute diarrheal illness within several days of ingesting the bacteria.

Most people recover within about a week, according to the company, but people with weakened immune systems can experience more severe or prolonged illness and may develop complications requiring medical attention.

Salmonella infections can become especially serious in frail people, older adults, young children, and those with weakened immune systems.

Symptoms can include fever, vomiting, nausea, abdominal pain, and diarrhea, which can sometimes be bloody. In rare cases, Salmonella can enter the bloodstream and cause more serious complications, according to the company.

In addition to Everything Sprouts-brand alfalfa sprouts, the CDC linked the illnesses to the company's Calco-branded sprouts in an Aug. 21 food-safety alert.

The CDC advised people who bought the affected products not to eat them and instead throw them away or return them to the place of purchase. It also recommended cleaning items and surfaces that may have contacted the sprouts with a dishwasher or hot, soapy water.

The CDC advised people to contact a health care provider promptly if they develop warning signs including diarrhea accompanied by a fever above 102 degrees Fahrenheit, bloody diarrhea, vomiting severe enough that liquids cannot be kept down, diarrhea lasting more than two days without improvement, or signs of dehydration.

Tyler Durden Sun, 08/23/2026 - 09:20

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