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FDA Commissioner Nominee Says Every Vaccine On US Market Is Safe, Effective

FDA Commissioner Nominee Says Every Vaccine On US Market Is Safe, Effective

The doctor nominated by President Trump to lead the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) told senators this week that vaccines available in the United States are safe and effective.

Dr. Heidi Overton, the nominee, said that if confirmed, she could use her scientific training and clinical background to describe to the American public what is currently known about products that fall under Food and Drug Administration oversight.

"And what is currently known is that the vaccines that have been approved by the FDA meet the standards for safety and efficacy," she said.

Overton, 37, also endorsed the measles, mumps, and rubella vaccine, saying it is not lethal and that it is the best tool in the public health response to measles outbreaks that are ongoing in the United States.

She said that mifepristone, an abortion pill, was safe and effective because it had been approved by the FDA. Overton wrote in a 2023 article that chemical abortion through products such as mifepristone was "dangerous to women," drawing criticism from Democrats in the Senate.

As Zachary Stieber reports further for The Epoch Times, Overton would take the helm of an agency that has been under acting leadership since Dr. Marty Makary stepped down in May.

While signing an executive order in August that encouraged breaking up the measles combination vaccine, Trump told reporters that the vaccine is possibly "quite lethal" and that separate shots for measles, mumps, and rubella appeared to be "not at all lethal but just very effective."

When asked after the signing, the White House declined to provide any citations for Trump's description of the vaccine.

Leaders in the Make America Healthy Again movement recently called for removing vaccines containing messenger ribonucleic acid (mRNA) technology.

Sen. Bill Cassidy (R-La.), an outspoken vaccine proponent, has been asking people whom Trump nominated to serve in high-level health positions about Trump's comments, as well as other questions about vaccines, during their confirmation hearings before the Senate Health Committee, the panel he chairs. Chris Klomp, selected to be the top deputy to Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., recently voiced support for vaccines in response to Cassidy, as did Dr. Nicole Saphier, tabbed to become surgeon general.

Cassidy said on Sept. 24 that Kennedy, whom he voted for, made him guarantees but later backtracked on those promises, citing directives from the president.

Kennedy's department did not return a request for comment.

Cassidy asked Overton how she would handle it if she made guarantees and the president then directed her to go against them.

"I've had robust discussions with the president," said Overton, who was part of Trump's first administration.

"I would give him my best advice, and I would follow the statutory requirements for the role of FDA commissioner regarding individual product determinations for safety and efficacy, and that would be what would guide every decision if confirmed to this role."

Tyler Durden Sun, 09/27/2026 - 12:15

Consumer Credit Stress: What The Data Really Shows

Consumer Credit Stress: What The Data Really Shows

Authored by Lance Roberts via RealInvestmentAdvice.com,

A viral stat claims credit card delinquencies just hit their worst level since 2008. However, the New York Fed’s own data shows the opposite, and the real consumer credit stress is hiding exactly where the headlines aren’t looking.

A number has been making the rounds all year, and it’s misleading. The claim: roughly 13% of credit card balances are 90 days or more past due, the worst since 2008. Here’s the twist. That number is real, and it comes straight from the New York Fed. It just doesn’t mean what the scary charts say it means.

Sorting the real signal from the viral one matters because one of them belongs in your portfolio decisions and the other belongs in the trash.

Where The Scary Number Comes From

Let’s start with the Q2 2026 Household Debt and Credit Report, released August 11. Total household debt actually fell $13 billion on the quarter, a rounding error of 0.1%, to $18.8 trillion. Credit card balances rose $21 billion to $1.26 trillion, up 1.7%. So far, nothing that looks like a crisis.

However, this is the point where you are hit with the delinquency rate that everyone screenshots. The share of card balances 90 days or more past due has climbed from 7.6% in late 2022 to 12.8%. That is a real figure from the Fed’s data, and it’s the source the viral posts were reaching for without knowing it. Here’s the problem with reading it as a crisis. The Fed published a companion piece the same day, and its own economists took the number apart.

Crucially, they draw a very clear distinction between a “stock” measure and a “flow” measure. The stock measure simply counts every delinquent dollar remaining on a credit report, including old charged-off debts that lenders keep reporting for years. The flow measure counts how much debt newly goes bad each quarter. The flow indicates how households are actually doing, and it has been roughly flat since 2024. It rose from 6.93% to 6.97% year over year. That’s not an acceleration. That’s noise.

The obvious question is: “Then why is the stock number climbing?”

The answer is that lenders now report charged-off debt to the bureaus far longer than they used to. From 2004 through 2012, only about 40% of charged-off balances were still reported a year later. By 2024, that figure had doubled to 80%. Strip those stale balances out, and the stock delinquency rate falls right back in line with the flow. As usual, when everyone agrees on something, something else is usually going on. In this case, the crowd agreed on a chart that the people who built it were quietly warning you not to trust. I’ve made the same point before about the gap between what the data says and what the tape feels like, in the consumer sentiment disconnect.

(The “stock” delinquency measure that went viral reads 12.8%, but it counts years of stale charged-off debt. The “flow” of new delinquencies, the honest read on current stress, sits at 6.97% and has been flat since 2024. Source: New York Fed, Q2 2026)

“When the question is ‘how are households doing right now?’ the flow delinquency rates provide a more accurate view of current consumer repayment behavior. By those measures, the pace of credit card delinquency is elevated but has been largely stable since 2024.” – Lee, Mangrum, Scally, Sinha and van der Klaauw, New York Fed Liberty Street Economics

The Consumer Credit Stress That’s Actually Real

Dismissing the meme doesn’t mean the consumer is fine. Parts of the consumer are cracking. The stress is REAL. It just isn’t spread evenly across the system, and the aggregate delinquency chart hides that. Dig below the surface, and you find a household sector splitting in two, with the top half spending comfortably and the bottom half running on fumes.

The savings data gives us the clearest read into what is actually happening. In July, the personal saving rate fell to 3.0% of disposable income, with total personal saving of $712.0 billion, according to the Bureau of Economic Analysis. Put that in context. For most of the decade before the pandemic, households saved 7% to 8% of income. The rate spiked above 16% in 2020 when stimulus landed, and there was nowhere to spend it. It has bled lower ever since. A 3.0% print is near the lowest reading in 20 years.

Notably, a thin savings rate isn’t a crisis on its own. There are plenty of households that carry very little cash and never miss a payment. However, it does change the math on resilience. When the family car breaks down or a parent’s work hours get reduced, a family saving 8% of its income can absorb the hit. Conversely, a family that only saves 3% of its income reaches for a credit card more quickly. That’s the mechanism, and it’s why the delinquency increases we have seen are showing up first among subprime and lower-income borrowers, while prime credit performance has barely moved.

The Two-Speed Consumer, In One Table

The cleanest way to see the gap is to line up the viral claim against what the primary sources report. Almost every week, someone sends me a chart or a screenshot from somewhere, showing the consumer on the edge of collapse. The data, however, continues to tell a more specific story.

That split is the whole story, and it shows up in spending, too. The top 10% of earners now drive 49.2% of all consumer spending, the highest share since Moody’s began collecting data in 1989, up from about 36% three decades ago. Meanwhile, spending by households earning under $175,000 has barely grown in real terms since the pandemic. One consumer is fine. The other is the one filling up the subprime delinquency buckets.

The top decile drives 49.2% of all consumer spending, the highest share since 1989 and up from about 36% three decades ago. The bottom 80% has barely grown their spending in real terms. That’s the two-speed consumer in one picture.- Source: Moody’s Analytics, 2025

“Consumer credit stress is real. It’s just wearing a name tag that says subprime, and the headline chart keeps reading it as systemic.”

Where The Bears Are Right

I readily admit that the bearish case has a valid point. They state that aggregate data lags current realities. Therefore, by the time the Fed’s quarterly report confirms a broad deterioration, the damage is already done. Furthermore, a 3.0% savings rate means the marginal household has no shock absorber left.

If you then layer on a labor market that ran soft through the summer, with June and July payrolls revised down to 31,000 and 21,000 before August rebounded to 162,000, you have the setup for spending to roll over faster than the smoothed data will admit.

Those are all valid points. However, here’s the problem with treating it as today’s reality. It’s a forecast about tomorrow, not a reading of the current tape. The same case was made in 2023 and again in 2024. Each time, behavior beat feelings and spending held firm. I’m reasonably confident the low-end consumer market will continue to deteriorate from here. I’m far less confident it will drag down the aggregate over the next two quarters, because the prime borrower, who does most of the spending, is still in good shape.

What Consumer Credit Stress Means For Investors

So what do you actually do with this information?

  1. Stop trading off the scary screenshot. A K-shaped consumer calls for a scalpel, not a sledgehammer. The businesses exposed to the bottom third of the income distribution, dollar stores, subprime lenders, buy-now-pay-later names, and lower-end restaurants, are where the stress shows up first and hits margins hardest. That’s a real and specific risk you can underwrite.
  2. Respect the split rather than betting the whole book on one side. Higher-end consumer names and companies serving households with intact balance sheets are a different animal. Positioning for a total consumer collapse has been a losing trade for three years running. So has assuming everything is fine. The trade is the divergence itself.
  3. Lastly, keep the real watchlist in front of you. Not the meme number. Watch the savings rate, the subprime delinquency trend, the quarterly New York Fed report, and retailer margin guidance through earnings season. We covered the deeper split between what households say and what they do in our look at the consumer sentiment disconnect, and in the piece on record retail inflows. The through line is consistent. Behavior beats feelings, and primary data beats viral charts.

The bottom line is this. The consumer credit stress story deserves your attention, but only the true version. A 3% savings rate indicates the cushion is thin, and the low end is exposed. The New York Fed data tells you this is a distribution problem, not a solvency crisis, at least for now. The moment the prime borrower starts slipping in the quarterly print, the calculus changes, and that’s the number that will tell you when to lean out.

If this raises questions about how your own portfolio is positioned for a two-speed consumer and a softening labor market, that’s the conversation we have with investors every day. Our process starts with your complete financial picture, not just your investment account. Schedule a complimentary portfolio review, and let’s pressure-test your exposure together.

Questions This Article Answers

Are credit card delinquencies really the worst since 2008? Only by one measure. The New York Fed’s “stock” delinquency rate, which counts all reported balances 90+ days past due, hit 12.8% in Q2 2026. That measure is inflated by old charged-off debt that lenders now report for far longer. The “flow” of new delinquencies, a better read on current stress, has been roughly flat since 2024 at just under 7%.

What’s the difference between stock and flow delinquency? The stock measure is the share of all outstanding balances currently marked delinquent, including stale charged-off debt. The flow measure is the amount of debt that goes bad each quarter. The flow tells you how households are doing right now, and the Fed’s own economists say it’s the more accurate gauge of current repayment behavior.

Is the U.S. consumer actually in trouble? Part of it. The stress is concentrated in subprime and lower-income households, where the 3.0% saving rate leaves no cushion. Prime borrowers, who account for most spending, are still in good shape. It’s a K-shaped consumer, not a system-wide credit event.

What should investors watch instead of the viral chart? The flow delinquency rate, the subprime delinquency trend, the quarterly New York Fed report, the personal saving rate, and retailer margin guidance. Those tell you when the stress is spreading from the low end into the prime borrower, which is the turn that actually matters for portfolios.

Tyler Durden Sun, 09/27/2026 - 11:40

DHS Ends Biden-Era Solicitation Of Donations For Illegal Aliens In Custody

DHS Ends Biden-Era Solicitation Of Donations For Illegal Aliens In Custody

Authored by Catherine Salgado via PJ Media,

Under the Biden administration, Customs and Border Protection (CBP) was asking for and accepting private donations for illegal aliens in federal custody. The Trump administration just realized it had never officially ended that directive, so it did so this week to remove any lingering confusion.

CBP Commissioner Rodney Scott confirmed to Fox News correspondent Bill Melugin on Wednesday that he issued a memo officially axing the policy. Scott offered as an excuse for its creation that the "elevated number of aliens encountered, processed and held in our facilities" during the Biden-Harris era necessitated private supplements to the billions of taxpayer dollars spent on trafficking criminal foreigners into America.

But times have changed, thank goodness.

"This order is no longer needed or appropriate. With the significant decrease in encounters and apprehensions, CBP no longer requires private donations or gifts for distribution to aliens in custody," Scott observed.

"Additionally, this order does not align with the Trump administration's enforcement posture at our borders. For these reasons, I am withdrawing CBP from DHS Delegation 07107, effective immediately."

John K. Tien, Joe Biden's deputy secretary of the Department of Homeland Security, inaugurated the controversial policy in May 2022. CBP told Melugin that agency leadership did not recall that the policy existed until a recent reminder. That's probably partly due to changes in top leadership since Donald Trump took office.

Even the title of the newly terminated policy is so obviously Democrat: "Delegation to Solicit, Accept and Utilize Gifts Related to the Care of Undocumented Noncitizens in CBP and ICE Custody."

Calling illegal alien criminals "undocumented" is a favorite Orwellian term among wokies, as if the aliens innocently forgot to complete some unnecessary paperwork.

Watchdog estimates indicate that the Department of Health and Human Services - responsible for trafficking over 320,000 children - alone spent some $22.6 billion on illegal aliens during the Biden era. In early 2024, Newsweek reported that illegal immigration was costing the U.S. $150.7 billion annually across federal, state, and local governments.

And yet, despite all that, CBP says it still needed supplementation from private funds.

That is the scale of the mass illegal alien invasion of our country during the Biden administration.

Tyler Durden Sun, 09/27/2026 - 10:30

Mamdani: Socialism "Will Absolutely Translate" Nationwide

Mamdani: Socialism "Will Absolutely Translate" Nationwide

Authored by Steve Watson via Modernity.news,

New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani has stopped pretending his socialist vision is just a local experiment.

On CNN International's Amanpour, the Democratic Socialist was asked whether America is ready to elect people on the hard left - and whether the 2026 midterms will be a referendum not only on President Trump, but on the Democratic Socialists of America.

"I think this will absolutely translate on a national level," Mamdani said.

Amanpour noted that other Democrats still believe national races reward moderates, and that local energy is one thing, but winning the country is another. Mamdani answered by recasting New York's cost-of-living crisis as a national mandate.

"While we are an exceptional city, as the greatest city in the world, we also know that the struggles that New Yorkers are facing are the struggles that working-class Americans are facing across the country," he said.

He continued, "I often say that there's only one majority in this country, it's the working class. And their inability to afford housing, childcare, even public transit, that is something that goes beyond any one city."

Mamdani then pointed to the New Deal and Franklin Roosevelt, arguing that people said the same thing then: it could never work nationally. In his telling, the Democratic Party was once "synonymous with workers" and popular because of it. The implication is obvious. He wants that party back - or rather, a DSA-shaped version of it.

He also claimed New Yorkers care less about how he labels himself than "whether there's room for them in that description," accused House Speaker Mike Johnson of talking about him to dodge "current federal policy," and said "to find ambition in the Democratic Party, we often have to look to history books."

This is the same argument Mamdani has been making since his slate smashed New York's Democratic establishment in June. After candidates he backed knocked out incumbents and seized safe House nominations, he told ABC's Jonathan Karl that a democratic socialist "can get elected anywhere across this country for any position."

He talked then about "a hunger that is not just felt by New Yorkers, but, frankly, by Americans from coast to coast." The June winners - including DSA members Claire Valdez and Darializa Avila Chevalier, plus progressive Brad Lander - ran on tax-the-rich politics, attacks on Israel, and, in several cases, abolishing ICE. In deep-blue New York districts, that was enough.

Republicans have already treated the results as a gift. Johnson said after the sweep: "The Democratic party, the socialists, the Marxists, have nominated some of the most radical candidates to ever run for office, and they're running for Congress. The insurgent left is on the rise."

Mamdani now wants that rise treated as proof the rest of America is waiting for the same program.

A CNN poll in late July found about a third of Democrats and Democratic-leaning adults now identify as democratic socialists. They skew younger. They are more eager to yank the party left. They are nearly twice as likely as other Democrats to want that shift on policy. Nearly half of them would be enthusiastic about a candidate who wants to cut U.S. support for Israel, compared with 20 percent of non-socialist Democrats.

Among those expressing an opinion, nearly all viewed Mamdani and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez favorably. Most Democratic-aligned adults said they would at least be "OK" with nominating a democratic socialist. The center of gravity inside the party has moved. Mamdani is not inventing that. He is trying to nationalize it.

Moderate leftists, such as Bill Maher, are warning that the far left has completely taken over the Democratic Party.

"We already know what he is because it's in his own statements and the people he hires," Maher said. He pointed to tenant advocate Cea Weaver, who said "let's elect more communists." Maher's verdict: "Look, this is not like something you have to really figure out. 'Elect more communists.' That's a communist."

"Communism. It's a political philosophy. It's an economic philosophy," Maher added. "You're allowed to believe it. You're allowed to vote for it. Let's just not pretend that that's not what this is."

Americans have already heard what Mamdani thinks the country is. On the 250th anniversary of the United States, the Ugandan-born mayor used the occasion to lecture the nation that gave him office.

"America, in their view, is an arena of supremacy, where only a select few are allowed freedom, where not all are created equal," he said of "the powerful." He claimed it "belongs only to those with the right accent or the right shade of skin." He accused the Trump administration of running a country "that persecutes those seeking asylum."

The rest was a familiar grievance list: hungry children and "the world's first trillionaire," "oligarchs who buy elections," "masked agents terrorizing our streets," ICE that "invades our neighborhoods," health insurers who "exploit the sick," "corporate landlords," and tax dollars spent "on bombs and bailouts."

That is the worldview he now says will "translate." Not just free buses and city grocery stores. A politics that treats immigration enforcement as an invasion and American history as a story of supremacy waiting to be rewritten.

The sales pitch does not run on speeches alone. An investigation this month found City Hall has cultivated a network of nearly 200 online creators to push administration material. Much of it moves through a private Signal group called "NYC Creators Announcements," overseen by Emilia Rowland, City Hall's $175,000-a-year Director of New Media and Cultural Communications. Communications Director Anna Bhar makes $260,000.

The network grew out of the campaign-era Creators4Zohran operation. Columbia Journalism Review did not find creators being paid simply to praise Mamdani. It did find that some influencers in that ecosystem have received taxpayer-funded pay for city advertising and public-messaging campaigns.

This is what "ambition" looks like in Mamdani's Democratic Party: a socialist mayor, a growing DSA bench, a third of Democrats now comfortable with the label, and a taxpayer-adjacent content army to make it sound like common sense.

Mamdani keeps saying there is only one majority in America - the working class. The wager he is making is that those voters want New York's socialist experiment exported. The rest of the country get a vote on that in November.

Tyler Durden Sun, 09/27/2026 - 09:20

Hormuz Oil Flows Rebound To Two-Thirds Prewar Level As Iran's Grip Erodes, Attacks 19 Ships

Hormuz Oil Flows Rebound To Two-Thirds Prewar Level As Iran's Grip Erodes, Attacks 19 Ships

Rory Johnston, a Toronto-based oil analyst and the founder of Commodity Context, an independent oil market research firm, wrote on X this weekend that oil shipments through the Strait of Hormuz have recovered to roughly two-thirds of prewar levels, driven by a surge in Saudi exports. This suggests that Tehran's leverage over the critical maritime chokepoint has eroded.

"Hormuz oil flows can't possibly be above 13 MMbpd bc crude is over $100," Johnston wrote in the post on Saturday, citing Kpler data.

He added, "Brother, if you had told an oil analyst in January that Hormuz flows were still down 7 MMbpd after >200 days of war, with the East-West pipeline hobbled, and oil was ONLY $100 they'd have looked at you like."

Saudi Arabia is driving the recovery. The kingdom's crude exports averaged 5.28 million barrels a day during September's first 23 days, the strongest pace since the conflict began, according to Bloomberg ship-tracking data. About 3.4 million barrels a day were loaded at Gulf ports, reversing the near-total retreat from those terminals earlier in the war.

Courtesy of Commodity Context ... 

"Hormuz is no longer behaving like a chokepoint under effective Iranian control. Hormuz oil flows are now above 13.5 mb/d on a 7-day average," energy analyst Art Berman wrote on X, quoting Johnston's post.

Berman said, "The biggest increase is Saudi Arabia's Gulf loading surge. That changes the strategic picture. Iran can still attack ships, raise insurance costs and make the strait dangerous. But danger is not the same as control. The more oil that clears Hormuz, the more Iran's leverage shifts from blocking flows to merely imposing costs."

Doha-based QNB Financial Services wrote in a note to clients earlier today that "Qatar has ramped up liquefied natural gas tanker traffic through the Strait of Hormuz to the highest in more than two months, a sign it’s becoming more comfortable moving ships through the waterway." 

Hostilities in the narrow strait continued for a second night, according to Bloomberg, citing reports from the semi-official Fars news agency that Iranian armed forces had targeted 19 ships attempting to use authorized routes in the waterway over the preceding 48 hours.

On Saturday morning, President Trump told reporters on the White House lawn that he had rejected an Iranian proposal for a seven-day ceasefire and was open to resuming attacks on the Islamic Republic after the midterms.

By Sunday morning, Bloomberg reported that Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi was still waiting for a definitive US response through mediators Qatar and Pakistan, despite Trump's public dismissal of the seven-day plan.

The one major escalation risk that may emerge after the midterms is a renewed US bombing campaign, potentially accompanied by cyber operations against Iranian energy infrastructure such as Kharg Island. For energy markets already strained by a global refining crisis, the post-election period warrants close attention.

Tyler Durden Sun, 09/27/2026 - 08:45

How Many Ministries Of Truth Does One Country Need

How Many Ministries Of Truth Does One Country Need

How many Ministries of Truth does one country need? With Andy Burnham announcing yet another, Prof Michael Rainsborough points out that Britain’s "narratives of decline” arise because the country is, in fact, declining...

Authored by Michael Rainsborough via The Daily Sceptic

In previous essays I have sought to describe the political condition into which Britain and other Western democracies have been drifting by offering various analogies.

At first, I tried being serious. My initial forays drew comparisons with the post-totalitarian societies of late communist Eastern Europe, where the widening distance between official propaganda and observable reality produced an ever-greater institutional effort to enforce the official world view. Later essays pursued the analogy more directly, asking whether Britain was becoming increasingly Sovietised, with some of the same characteristics of a political order in severe decline becoming recognisable. With the supply of serious comparisons running low, and the ironies apparently passing unnoticed, there seemed little left to do except laugh.

Once the absurdities become difficult to describe with a straight face, parody is the logical next step. The difficulty now has been making the exaggeration last until publication. Institutions and bureaucratic inventions for comic effect have acquired real-world counterparts before the joke has had time to land.

WISDOM escapes into the wild

A few weeks back my satirical turn took the form of 'The Spy Who Came in From the Consensus', a John le Carré spoof in which the machinery of the contemporary British state deployed its formidable powers of information gathering to confirm what it already believed. At the centre of the story was WISDOM, the Whole-of-Institution Strategic Data and Outcomes Management system. Created to defend Britain against foreign disinformation, it soon graduated to monitoring "harmful narratives", "problematic nostalgia", declining trust and negative sentiment about immigration. A genuine photograph of migrants arriving on a beach was flagged for "decontextualised visual framing". Requests for original sources and factual corrections became possible indicators of hostile interference.

Having begun by investigating Russia, China and Iran, WISDOM eventually discovered that the most troublesome source of misinformation about Britain was British people's stubborn attachment to feeling British. WISDOM's final diagnosis of the country's deteriorating social cohesion was commendably concise: "The problem isn't the problem, the problem is the people noticing the problem."

On Tuesday, Prime Minister Andy Burnham stood before the United Nations and announced the creation of a National Centre for Information Defence. Barely had WISDOM escaped onto the page before reality began catching up with the satire.

According to Burnham, NCID will detect, attribute and disrupt hostile-state information attacks. He cited Russian bots masquerading as British citizens, fake websites, fabricated reports, forged newspaper branding and covert interference. Most insidious of all, naturally, was the amplification of "far Right narratives". Russia, Burnham said, was creating a narrative of British decline. Britain, he claimed, had surrendered too much ground to those promoting such an account.

Burnham insisted that the "negative" and "corrosive" narrative about life in Britain "bears no resemblance to reality". A few moments later in the very same speech, Burnham described people struggling with the "cost of living", lives that were "not improving", young people outside employment, education or training, widening inequality and a society vulnerable to division. Making life more affordable, he then announced, would lie at the heart of a new "10-year plan" for Britain.

The narrative of decline therefore bears no resemblance to reality, although reality apparently requires a 10-year plan.

Burnham began his speech alleging that Russian agencies had forged BBC branding, faked websites and used bots to "stoke tension", "spread lies" and "play on people's fears". There is nothing inherently implausible about any of this. A fake newspaper article is false. A Russian bot pretending to be Derek from Wolverhampton is not Derek from Wolverhampton. No doubt Russia conducts information operations against its enemies, as does nearly every other major nation. It's part of statecraft. It always has been.

However, contentions about whether Britain is declining, its economy is struggling, its institutions are failing or its social cohesion is deteriorating are not in themselves acts of deception. Arguments about the condition of the country do not become disinformation because somebody in Moscow presses the retweet button. For all the concern about foreign deception operations, Britons are perfectly capable of looking at their country and coming to what the Government perceives as the "wrong" conclusions without Russian assistance.

WISDOM would have understood the problem and known what to do. It would recommend the immediate establishment of a National Centre for Information Defence.

The irony is that Whitehall already has an expanding bureaucracy operating across this field. Britain has units dealing with misinformation, hostile states, strategic communications, cyber interference and influence operations. Having concluded that these arrangements are fragmented and overlapping, Whitehall has reached for its traditional instrument of administrative simplification: another organisation.

Maybe the Russians should be warned that Britain now has so many organisations watching for hostile information that any Kremlin operative attempting to penetrate them risks dying of old age during the induction process.

Why, exactly, does Britain need another one?

The Department of Additional Departments

The case for another organisation becomes less obvious once the existing machinery is examined. Most obviously, there is the National Security Online Information Team, formerly the Counter Disinformation Unit, which already leads the Government's operational response to online information threats. Its remit covers misinformation and disinformation affecting national security and public safety, online narratives and attempts artificially to manipulate the information environment. A foreign power conducting the activities Burnham described at the United Nations would therefore fall comfortably within its field of interest.

Should the threat be more obviously the work of a hostile state, the Joint State Threats Assessment Team within MI5 provides cross-government analysis of hostile-state activity. The Home Office also has its now infamous Research, Information and Communications Unit (RICU), concerned particularly with extremist propaganda and counter-narratives. The National Cyber Security Centre deals with cyber threats, while the Armed Forces possess 77th Brigade and its expertise in what the Army calls "information manoeuvre".

The Foreign Affairs Committee identified the resulting fragmentation in March. Britain's work against foreign disinformation, it concluded, was dispersed across government and insufficiently coordinated. Its proposed remedy was a statutory, public-facing National Counter Disinformation Centre to bring the disparate effort together. The Government initially agreed only to consider the proposal; the committee duly welcomed Burnham's announcement when it came.

The remedy has an unmistakable Whitehall logic. Faced with too many bodies doing related things without sufficient coordination, the Government has created another body. By July, seven ministers were responsible for disinformation, prompting the Foreign Affairs Committee Chair to observe that this meant nobody was responsible for it. NCID will now have the unenviable task of bringing order to the organisations created to bring order to the information environment.

Quite how it will do so remains unclear. Its organisation and powers have yet to be specified, as has the practical meaning of Burnham's promise that it will "disrupt" hostile-state information attacks.

The more consequential question concerns its remit. New bureaucracies acquire officials, definitions, reporting requirements and, sooner or later, things to report. NCID is being created as the Government's language about information threats extends beyond fabricated stories and covert foreign operations towards the stories Britons tell themselves about Britain.

The question is where countering hostile information ends and policing political interpretation begins.

Your narrative has been marked incorrect

A foreign power doesn't have to invent Britain's difficulties. It can select them, exaggerate their significance and distribute them for hostile purposes. None of that alters the underlying facts. If Moscow circulates a photograph of a British pothole, its reasons for doing so have no bearing on whether the pothole exists. Filling it would also deprive the Kremlin of the photograph.

Burnham's description of a narrative of British decline as "corrosive" therefore raises a different question from whether the claims themselves are true. "Corrosive" describes an effect. A hostile actor may assemble the evidence and promote the bleakest possible account of the country, but neither its involvement nor its purpose settles whether that account is false.

Information defence then begins to move beyond establishing what is true and who is responsible for spreading it into judging which conclusions drawn from the facts are damaging. A false claim can be tested; a covert foreign operation can be investigated and attributed. Whether Britain's institutions are failing, its social cohesion is deteriorating or the country is in decline cannot be settled in the same way. These are political judgements made from evidence over which citizens are entitled to disagree.

Disagreement over those conclusions is the ordinary stuff of politics. Governments marshal statistics, advertise successes, blame their predecessors and assure the country that recovery is under way; oppositions inspect much the same landscape and announce national ruin. Newspapers offer further diagnoses, while citizens remain obstinately free to believe whichever account best accords with what they can see around them. None of this requires an official referee to determine which interpretation of Britain has passed the national resilience test.

A foreign power can promote an account of British decline for hostile purposes without making that account either true or false. Russian propagandists can describe Britain as declining for hostile purposes; a Briton can reach the same conclusion after waiting six weeks for a doctor's appointment. That they reach the same conclusion proves nothing about whether it is correct. Still less does Russian endorsement render it false. Otherwise, any genuine grievance can acquire the taint of disinformation once Moscow notices it.

Conflating hostile provenance with the truth of what is being said changes the purpose of information defence. A government concerned about foreign manipulation has every reason to identify covert networks, expose fabricated material and attribute hostile operations. Once attention turns to the political conclusions citizens draw from genuine conditions, however, the object has changed. Information defence is no longer simply protecting the public from deception. It is deciding which descriptions of reality the public should distrust.

When dissent becomes a security problem

Britain has some experience of what happens when official categories created to identify security threats expand into lawful political argument. William Shawcross's Independent Review of Prevent found that RICU analysis intended to identify the extreme Right had extended into centre-Right debate, populism and lawful Right-leaning commentary with no meaningful connection to terrorism. Mainstream conservative books appeared among supposedly significant ideological texts, while a former Conservative minister, Sir Jacob Rees-Mogg, and writer Douglas Murray surfaced in analysis of figures associated with far-Right sympathetic audiences.

The Government accepted Shawcross's recommendation to reset the threshold, acknowledging that RICU had exceeded its remit by failing to distinguish clearly between mainstream conservative commentary and the extreme Right.

The problem that Shawcross identified was that once lawful political dissent enters analysis intended to assess security threats, monitoring dissent becomes part of the work of institutions created to protect the state. The distinction between identifying threats and scrutinising political disagreement begins to blur.

The National Security Online Information Team provides another example. Big Brother Watch reported, on the basis of subject access requests and other material it obtained, that government counter-disinformation systems had recorded or analysed statements by MPs, journalists, academics and campaigners. Those caught in the machinery included MPs David Davis and Caroline Lucas and journalists Peter Hitchens and Julia Hartley-Brewer, whose comments encompassed lockdown policy, vaccine passports and other contentious political questions. Public statements are obviously available for governments to read; the question is why lawful political criticism should enter an analytical system concerned with misinformation in the first place.

The concern does not depend upon NCID itself acquiring a wider remit. The day after its announcement, Chi Onwurah MP, Chair of the Commons Science and Technology Committee, welcomed the new centre but pointed out that it would not address domestic dis- and misinformation. She urged the Government to revisit her Committee's recommendations, including measures against the algorithmic amplification of "legal but harmful content". NCID is intended to counter hostile-state information attacks, but its creation sits within a wider policy debate about government intervention in the information environment that already encompasses domestic speech and lawful content considered harmful.

RICU, NSOIT and NCID have different purposes, and while Chi Onwurah was not proposing that NCID should assume responsibility for domestic speech, the problem exposed by RICU is clear: once the state moves beyond identifying unlawful conduct or demonstrably false information, officials must make judgements about the meaning and effects of lawful expression. A "hostile-state information attack" identifies an adversary and an activity. Burnham's "corrosive narrative" introduces a judgement about the effect an account of Britain has. 'Legal but harmful content' places lawful expression itself within the field of possible intervention. The question therefore ceases to concern only what hostile states are doing to Britain. It extends to which lawful ideas circulating among Britons the state considers harmful.

Reality has failed to meet Government expectations

The late-stage communist experience in Eastern Europe becomes more instructive at the point where the discrepancy between official claims and observable conditions became a political problem in its own right. Bad news could be dismissed as hostile propaganda, dissidents accused of blackening the reputation of the state and foreign broadcasters jammed because they supplied information that contradicted the official account. The worse conditions became, the greater the effort required to protect the state's description of them. Humour acquired much of its political force from the same discrepancy: people needed no elaborate theory of government when they could compare what they were being told with what they could see.

Western governments now parrot the bureaucratic language of resilience, information integrity, harmful narratives, strategic communications and protecting the information environment. A failure of government can therefore produce a second problem alongside the failure itself: people notice what has gone wrong, draw conclusions from it and lose confidence in the institutions responsible.

Fixing the conditions that produce discontent is harder. Hospital waiting lists have to be shortened, houses built, infrastructure renewed, living standards raised and immigration brought under political control if that is what governments have promised. Fraying social cohesion cannot be repaired by a communications strategy. These things require choices, money, administrative competence and, in some cases, a willingness to confront interests that benefit from the status quo. Explaining that hostile actors are exploiting public anger about them only requires a strategy, a communications team and a meeting.

Once governments become concerned with the conclusions people draw from their failures, political discontent itself begins to acquire the characteristics of a security problem. Declining trust becomes vulnerability to manipulation, anger at political failure becomes an opportunity for hostile actors, and pessimism about the country becomes a "corrosive" narrative against which society must be made resilient.

The danger is always that government starts devoting as much ingenuity to managing the consequences of failure as to correcting its causes. If people believe their country is declining, government can devote greater effort to persuading them that they have misunderstood what they are seeing.

Alternatively, it could actually try to give them less decline to notice.

The Ministry of Too Many Ministries

George Orwell gave us the forbidding image of the Ministry of Truth, a single institution imposing the official version of reality. Terry Gilliam's 1985 dystopian film Brazil offered a more recognisably bureaucratic version of authoritarianism: a world of forms, malfunctioning computers, incomprehensible departments and officials arguing over which department was responsible for what. The boot stamping on the human face had become entangled in an interdepartmental dispute over who was authorised to wear it.

Britain's information-security machinery has acquired something of the same bureaucratic character. Responsibility for hostile states, misinformation, extremist communications, cyber threats and information operations is already distributed across a collection of units, teams, agencies and military organisations, with NCID now joining them. Somewhere inside Whitehall there must be an official whose job is to know which acronym is protecting us from which other acronym's definition of a harmful narrative.

The British road to authoritarianism was never likely to feature torchlight parades. A cross government steering committee was always more plausible, followed by a consultation exercise, an independent review and a procurement contract large enough to require another independent review. If freedom is finally phased out, there will presumably be a mandatory feedback questionnaire.

Adding a National Centre for Information Defence to an already crowded institutional field brings another remit, another set of responsibilities and another definition of the threat. As responsibilities overlap, accountability becomes harder to locate: one department collects, another assesses, another coordinates and another arrives to coordinate the coordination.

Reality has been referred for review

The problem for information defence begins when Britain's adversaries start telling the truth. A hostile purpose does not make truthful information false, and foreign amplification does not invalidate conclusions Britons draw from conditions they can see for themselves. Once government becomes concerned with those conclusions as well as the truth of the information from which they are drawn, information defence starts to acquire a different purpose.

That was the absurdity behind WISDOM. Three weeks later, the Government unveiled NCID.

The danger lies in the steady expansion of what government considers an information problem. Declining trust becomes a question of resilience, political disaffection a vulnerability to hostile influence and criticism of national decline a corrosive narrative. Eventually the state is concerned not only with whether information is true, but with what people conclude from it.

A free society leaves that judgement to its citizens. Governments can counter lies, expose foreign manipulation and prosecute unlawful conduct. They cannot expect a monopoly over the interpretation of reality, especially when their account of the country conflicts with what people can see for themselves.

And if the discrepancy becomes sufficiently absurd, some people will laugh. Others will decide to do something about it.

Michael Rainsborough is Professor of Strategic Theory and Director of the Centre for Future Defence and National Security, Canberra.

Tyler Durden Sun, 09/27/2026 - 08:10

Saudi Arabia Could Use Trump Deal To Get A Nuke: Intel Assessment

Saudi Arabia Could Use Trump Deal To Get A Nuke: Intel Assessment

A classified US intelligence assessment's conclusions have been reported in The Washington Post at the end of this week, and the report says that Saudi Arabia has not ruled out developing nuclear weapons.

The report comes as Congress is scrutinizing President Trump's controversial nuclear cooperation agreement with Riyadh, which was signed by Energy Secretary Chris Wright in July. The classified intel has not been released by the Post - but the publication says the assessment was presented to Congress as part of the nuclear deal review.

via Reuters

The landmark (what is supposed to be) civil 30-year nuclear cooperation agreement with Saudi Arabia could be worth tens of billions of dollars and put American companies at the center of the kingdom's nuclear buildout

A Section 123 agreement creates a legal framework for peaceful use, safeguards, and nonproliferation. The admin's reasoning goes that American involvement also gives Washington more influence over Riyadh's program than it would have if Saudi Arabia turned to China or Russia.

However, according to the Washington Post, Congressional leaders are alarmed at lack of appropriate safeguards and significant departure from precedent.

A group of Democratic senators led by Ed Markey of Massachusetts and Jeff Merkley of Oregon have made their deep unease known in a letter submitted to Secretary of State Marco Rubio on Friday.

They are raising the alarm over a process "that is all but certain to allow Riyadh to acquire the means to enrich uranium and possibly develop nuclear weapons."

Sen. Markey has been most outspoken, calling the arrangement "bogus as hell" - as he sees Washington as acquiescing to Saudi demands which point to a secret intentions to keeping open a path to a nuke. He also alleges some insider quid pro quo involving unelected officials close to Trump.

"If they’ve given up the intent to develop a nuclear weapon, then they’d give up domestic enrichment and reprocessing power, right? They'd accept massive inspections from the IAEA," the lawmaker from Massachusetts said.

The senators are also worried that this will only affirm Iran's defiance, especially if they decide to covertly develop a nuclear weapon. Tehran will feel more justified amid a potential Middle East atomic arms race.

"It is very clear that as this war in Iran continues to unfold, that the Iranians are going to fiercely defend their ability to develop a nuclear weapons program, and as a result, any action that we take in Saudi Arabia will only further accelerate a fallout nuclear arms race in the region," Markey said additionally.

As for the letter from the Democratic senators, it hit out hard at shady dealings with the Saudis by Trump's family and inner-circle.

"Jared Kushner, for example, accepted a $2 billion investment from a Saudi sovereign wealth fund after leaving the White House at the end of the first Trump Administration," the letter says.

"Westinghouse Electric, meanwhile, stands to make tens of billions of dollars if this agreement moves forward. Westinghouse’s majority owner is closely associated with Newmark, the real estate firm run and owned in part by the sons of Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick," it also says.

Tyler Durden Sun, 09/27/2026 - 07:35

Is Putin Caught In An "Escalation Trap"? The Long War In Eastern Europe

Is Putin Caught In An "Escalation Trap"? The Long War In Eastern Europe

Authored by Larry Johnson via Sonar21.com

Yves Smith of Naked Capitalism has flagged a recent interview that Professor Robert Pape did with Mario Nawfal. During the interview, Pape argued that Vladimir Putin is caught in an "escalation trap." In his telling, Russia launched a preventive war in February 2022 to seize Kyiv and roughly 60 percent of Ukraine. That plan collapsed, and the fallback, betting that NATO would break, is now producing the European counterbalancing coalition Moscow most feared. It is a tidy theory. It also rests on a premise about Russian intentions that the record does not support, and once that premise goes, the trap goes with it.

What the force tells you about the objective

Start with arithmetic, the kind any planner of military operations does before anything else. Russia invaded with roughly 150,000 to 190,000 troops, including separatist forces. The standard rule of thumb for occupying a hostile population, from James Quinlivan’s RAND work, is about 20 troops per 1,000 inhabitants. For a country of more than 40 million, even occupying 60 percent of the territory would require several hundred thousand troops, several times what Russia sent. Moscow’s General Staff can do this arithmetic. A force that size is a coercive instrument, not an occupation army.

The pattern of the operation fits coercion. Russian forces approached Kyiv from the north but never attempted to assault or encircle a city of three million. The pressure was aimed at the government, not at taking the capital block by block. Talks began within days, in Belarus on February 28, and moved to Istanbul in March. Pape's supporters point to the airborne assault on Hostomel as proof of a plan to seize the capital. But a failed coup de main against an airfield is not evidence of an intent to occupy 60 percent of a country.

Istanbul: the objective was achieved

The strongest evidence against Pape is that the coercion worked. By the end of March 2022, meetings in Belarus and Turkey, together with video conferences, had produced the Istanbul Communiqué, a framework for a settlement. Ukraine accepted permanent neutrality in exchange for security guarantees from the United States and its allies, with Russia also as a guarantor. Russia, for its part, agreed to a process to settle the Crimea dispute diplomatically.

via IISS

That was the core of what Moscow wanted, and the Ukrainian side confirmed it. David Arakhamia, who led Ukraine’s delegation, later said Russia was prepared to end the war if Ukraine accepted Finland-style neutrality and committed not to join NATO. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov confirmed to me, Judge Napolitano and Mario Nawfal directly that the talks produced a tentative agreement, and that its terms were brought to the table by the Ukrainian delegation, not imposed by Moscow.

As a gesture of goodwill, Moscow withdrew its forces from north of Kyiv. Western commentary treats that as a retreat forced by battlefield failure. It is at least as consistent with the claim that the pressure had served its purpose.

How the deal died

Then the politics changed. Boris Johnson arrived unannounced in Kyiv on April 9, 2022, and according to Arakhamia told the Ukrainians not to sign anything with Russia and to “just fight.” Two days earlier, Lavrov had already complained publicly that Ukraine’s new draft departed sharply from the key provisions agreed at Istanbul on March 29. Washington and London had decided Russia was weaker than they had thought and that it could be bled. Ukraine walked away.

This is the point Pape’s framework cannot absorb. If Russia’s goal was a neutral Ukraine obtained through negotiation, the war did not go on because Moscow’s plan failed. It went on because Russia’s adversaries rejected the settlement.

No plan B, but a fast pivot and a new army

With hindsight, Russia clearly had not prepared a plan B for Ukraine walking away. That was a real planning failure. But the Russian military adjusted quickly. It concentrated on the Donbas and the land bridge to Crimea, and the fall of Mariupol in May gave it the first major result of that phase.

The bigger adjustment came in September 2022. After a large number of contract soldiers left the army in August and the Kharkiv counteroffensive exposed how thin Russian lines were, Putin ordered the mobilization of 300,000 reservists. That was the start, not the end, of Russia’s response. From that point Moscow set about building a much larger army, as the Russian officers I have interviewed have described in detail, including Gen. Apti Alaudinov, Gen. Evgeny Buzhinsky, Gen. Andrei Gurulev and Col. Eduard Basurin.

The mobilization was followed by a sustained recruitment campaign and an expanded annual draft. By Medvedev’s count, more than 452,000 men signed military contracts in 2023. Roughly 450,000 followed in 2024, and more than 422,000 in 2025. Year after year, Russia has added at least 350,000 new soldiers. Putin’s decrees tell the same story: authorized military strength rose from about 1.15 million in 2022 to 1.32 million in December 2023, then to 1.5 million effective December 2024. By 2026, according to my sources, Russia’s army had reached that 1.5 million active-duty figure.

That is not the behavior of a state that expected a quick war and is now improvising its way out of a trap. It is the behavior of a state that decided in the autumn of 2022 to fight a long war, and built the force to do it.

Why the timeline matters

The goals never changed. Putin announced them on February 24, 2022: the demilitarization and “denazification” of Ukraine. What changed after Istanbul was the method, from coercion toward a negotiated settlement to attrition. Moscow has never attached a timeline to that effort.

Pape’s trap depends on the assumption that Russia needed a quick victory and is now stuck with worse and worse options. An attrition strategy with no deadline, backed by an army that has grown every year since 2022, is not a trap. It is a choice. Moscow's theory of victory since late 2022 has been to exhaust Ukraine’s manpower and the West’s willingness to supply it, not to break NATO by a specific date. Four and a half years later, Russian forces are still advancing, and Ukraine’s reserve and mobilization problems are structural, not temporary.

Pape’s answer is European counterbalancing, backed by an EU economy he puts at about eight times Russia’s. That ratio only holds at market exchange rates, which badly understate what Russia’s economy can actually produce. On purchasing power parity, the measure that matters in a war of production, Russia is the fourth largest economy in the world: about $6.9 trillion in 2024 by the World Bank’s count, behind only China, the United States and India, and ahead of Japan and Germany. The EU as a bloc is still larger, but on that basis the gap is roughly half of Pape’s figure.

GDP understates Russia’s position in another way. Russia has a resource base that Europe cannot match, from oil, gas and coal to metals and fertilizer, and a defense-industrial base that Europe has let wither for thirty years.

Artillery shells, the basic currency of this war, show what that means in practice. Russia produced an estimated 400,000 122mm and 152mm artillery rounds in 2022. By 2025, estimates put its annual output at about 4.2 million. A 2026 Estonian intelligence report goes further, estimating that Russian factories produced about seven million artillery, mortar, tank and rocket rounds in 2025. On top of that, Russia has received millions of rounds from North Korea.

Europe started from almost nothing. At the beginning of 2024, according to Rheinmetall’s own internal estimate, all Western European manufacturers together could produce about 550,000 shells a year. NATO's own assessment was that Russia produced as much ammunition in the first three months of 2024 as the entire alliance did in a year. The EU pledged to reach a capacity of two million 155mm shells a year by the end of 2025, a target, not proven output. Even adding US production, which is aiming for about 100,000 rounds a month in 2026, allied programs might yield about three million shells this year, still less than Russia’s estimated output in 2025.

That is the real measure of the balance Pape is counting on. A bloc whose economy is several times Russia’s is still being outproduced in the one commodity that decides an attrition war. Balance-of-power theory may be right that Europe will eventually arm itself. It says nothing about whether that happens in time to change the outcome in Ukraine.

Russia sent a force too small to occupy most of Ukraine, negotiated within days, and reached a framework agreement within five weeks. When the West persuaded Kyiv to walk away, Russia shifted to an open-ended war of attrition and spent four years building an army to fight it. That is not a state trapped by the failure of a plan to conquer 60 percent of a country. It is a state that tried coercion first, adapted when it failed, and is fighting on its own timeline.

Tyler Durden Sun, 09/27/2026 - 07:00

The Socialist Indoctrination Machine: Schools Are Teaching Young People To Embrace Big Government, Hate Capitalism

The Socialist Indoctrination Machine: Schools Are Teaching Young People To Embrace Big Government, Hate Capitalism

Authored by Ken Buck via The Epoch Times,

A recent headline from a well-respected news outlet caught my attention: "Could socialism make America happy again?"

Surely, the article must be satirical, I thought. Who in their right mind would believe that the most oppressive form of government, responsible for hundreds of millions of deaths, horrific living conditions, and the elimination of personal freedoms, would make anyone "happier"?

It wasn't a joke. Nor are the slew of articles these days proclaiming that "Socialism's moment is here" and similar findings that show socialism's popularity is quickly climbing, especially among young people.

America has a socialism problem - or a socialism perception problem. A great swath of our country has bought into the lie that socialism can somehow provide a better quality of life, and it owes largely to progressives' success transforming our education system into an indoctrination machine.

It's no secret that higher education has long been a bastion of liberalism. In one recent poll, half of college professors at four-year schools self-identified as liberal, compared to only a quarter who identified as conservative. Conservative faculty were considerably more likely to hide their political affiliations for fear of being fired or retaliated against.

Likewise, a survey in 2020 found that nearly 40 percent of conservative college students did not feel comfortable expressing their political views because they worried their peers might file a complaint against them.

One might think that our country's institutions of learnings would actively seek to educate young people about the dangers of socialism. There are, after all, numerous examples from recent history. Instead, they preach the evils of free-market competition, which has made the United States a global beacon of hope and freedom for over 250 years.

An annual study this year found that nearly 40 percent of students said that their college classes and activities negatively affected their views of capitalism, compared to less than 10 percent who said their experience improved it. That shouldn't be a surprise. The same report two years earlier found that faculty were "more often positive toward socialism and negative toward capitalism."

Today, 46 percent of Americans between the ages of 18 and 34 have a favorable opinion of socialism - more than twice as many compared to those who had a negative opinion of it.

Sadly, the left's indoctrination program now starts well before college. Students are steeped in the immorality of capitalism and the romanticization of socialism beginning as early as primary grades.

In 2016, a now-often-cited survey found that one-third of millennial and Gen Z students believed more people were killed under former President George W. Bush than by Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin. Almost one in five students did not know who Stalin was.

U.S. civics education hardly seems to be trending in a better direction. A poll by the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation in 2019 found more than seven in 10 Gen Z students and over six in 10 Millennials said they did not learn about communist regimes throughout their K-12 careers.

In 2022, our country's National Assessment of Educational Progress scores in U.S. History, which measure students' knowledge of the subject "in the context of democracy, culture, technological and economic changes," fell five points from 2018, and 14 points below 2014 averages.

In 1997, following the publication of "The Black Book of Communism" - which estimated that nearly 100 million people died under communist and socialist regimes in the 20th century alone - the late historian and political commentator Tony Judt, himself a staunch liberal, wrote in The New York Times:

"No one will any longer be able to claim ignorance or uncertainty about the criminal nature of communism, and those who had begun to forget will be forced to remember anew."

But Americans, particularly young people, have forgotten. Or, more appropriately, they have been presented a whitewashed, untrue depiction of socialism that omits the ugly realities and fabricates false comforts. Not surprisingly, they have largely accepted this blissful but ultimately make-believe narrative.

That doesn't change the truth: Socialism as a system of government has never worked, and it will never work.

It's time to flip the script in our schools and start teaching our children the truth.

Tyler Durden Sat, 09/26/2026 - 23:20

California Has Highest Personal Income Tax Rate, 8 States Have None...

California Has Highest Personal Income Tax Rate, 8 States Have None...

Where you live can make a major difference in the state income tax rate applied to your earnings, with systems ranging from no individual income tax to top marginal rates above 10%.

This map, via Visual Capitalist's Gabriel Cohen, compares U.S. states based on their top marginal individual income tax rate in 2026 using Tax Foundation data. Both local and federal income tax rates are excluded.

Which States Have No Individual Income Tax?

Eight states levy no individual income tax: Alaska, Florida, Nevada, New Hampshire, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, and Wyoming.

New Hampshire is a relatively recent addition to the list, having repealed its tax on interest and dividends in 2025.

The table below lists all U.S. states and Washington, D.C., alongside their top marginal income tax rate and tax system.

State Top marginal tax rate in 2026 (%) Income Tax System Alabama 5 Graduated-Rate Alaska 0 None Arizona 2.5 Flat Arkansas 3.9 Graduated-Rate California 13.3 Graduated-Rate Colorado 4.4 Flat Connecticut 6.99 Graduated-Rate Delaware 6.6 Graduated-Rate Florida 0 None Georgia 5.19 Flat Hawaii 11 Graduated-Rate Idaho 5.3 Flat Illinois 4.95 Flat Indiana 2.95 Flat Iowa 3.8 Graduated-Rate Kansas 5.58 Graduated-Rate Kentucky 3.5 Flat Louisiana 3 Flat Maine 7.15 Graduated-Rate Maryland 6.5 Graduated-Rate Massachusetts 9 Graduated-Rate Michigan 4.25 Flat Minnesota 9.85 Graduated-Rate Mississippi 4 Flat Missouri 4.7 Graduated-Rate Montana 5.65 Graduated-Rate Nebraska 4.55 Graduated-Rate Nevada 0 None New Hampshire 0 None New Jersey 10.75 Graduated-Rate New Mexico 5.9 Graduated-Rate New York 10.9 Graduated-Rate North Carolina 3.99 Flat North Dakota 2.5 Graduated-Rate Ohio 2.75 Flat Oklahoma 4.5 Graduated-Rate Oregon 9.9 Graduated-Rate Pennsylvania 3.07 Flat Rhode Island 5.99 Graduated-Rate South Carolina 6 Graduated-Rate South Dakota 0 None Tennessee 0 None Texas 0 None Utah 4.5 Flat Vermont 8.75 Graduated-Rate Virginia 5.75 Graduated-Rate Washington* 9 Graduated-Rate West Virginia 4.82 Graduated-Rate Wisconsin 7.65 Graduated-Rate Wyoming 0 None D.C. 10.75 Graduated-Rate

*Washington rate only applies to capital gains income above $278k.

Having no individual income tax does not mean residents avoid taxes altogether. Each of these eight states levies other taxes to raise government revenue.

Texas, for example, has some of the highest property tax rates in the country, while Tennessee’s high combined state and local sales tax shifts more of the tax burden toward consumer spending.

Some states also benefit from revenue generated by specific industries. Nevada collects substantial gaming taxes, while Alaska taxes oil and gas companies operating in the state.

How Flat Income Taxes Work

Another 15 states use a flat individual income tax, applying a single statutory rate to taxable income rather than progressively higher rates as income rises.

States with flat income taxes include major Midwestern economies such as Illinois (4.95%) and Michigan (4.25%), as well as Mountain West states including Colorado (4.4%) and Utah (4.5%). Idaho’s 5.3% rate is the highest flat individual income tax rate in the country.

Individual tax bills can still vary based on deductions, exemptions, credits, and other state-specific rules. Efforts to replace flat taxes with graduated systems have also failed in some states. In Illinois, for example, voters rejected a 2020 proposal to allow a graduated income tax.

Where Top Marginal Tax Rates Are Highest

Most states instead use graduated income tax systems, in which higher portions of taxable income are subject to higher rates, similar to the federal tax system. Washington, D.C., also uses a graduated system, with a top marginal rate of 10.75%.

California, the largest state economy in the country, has the highest top marginal rate at 13.3%. This rate applies only to taxable income above $1 million for single filers. California is followed by Hawaii at 11% and New York at 10.9%, which also rank among the states with the highest overall tax burdens nationwide.

Top marginal rates do not tell the whole story. The income threshold at which each rate takes effect can significantly affect how much tax a person ultimately owes. In Virginia, for example, the state’s top rate of 5.75% begins above just $17,000 in taxable income, while California’s 13.3% top rate applies above $1 million for single filers.

To compare personal income tax rates around the world, check out Global Personal Income Tax Rates on Voronoi.

Tyler Durden Sat, 09/26/2026 - 22:45

USAF More Than Doubles Ondas' ULTRA Drone Contract As Potential MQ-9 Reaper Alternative Emerges

USAF More Than Doubles Ondas' ULTRA Drone Contract As Potential MQ-9 Reaper Alternative Emerges

Thursday's Department of War contract update signals increased US Air Force investment in long-endurance surveillance drones that could complement the MQ-9 Reaper and help fill intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance mission gaps following reported heavy losses in the US-Iran conflict.

The USAF more than doubled the value of its contract with DZYNE Technologies, now part of Ondas, bringing the total to about $85.6 million.

As we noted last week, DZYNE's ULTRA platform represents a potential lower-cost Group 5 drone that could complement the MQ-9 Reaper and eventually assume some of its ISR missions.

DoW's contract update:

DZYNE Technologies LLC, Fairfax, Virginia, has been awarded a $46,087,217 modification (P00003) to a previously awarded contract (FA8691-26-C-B007) for Operational Assessment of Uncrewed Long-Endurance Tactical Reconnaissance Aircraft. This modification brings the total cumulative face value of the contract to $85,643,057 from $39,555,840.

Work will be performed stateside and at overseas locations and is expected to be completed by March 26, 2031. Fiscal 2025 research, development, test, and evaluation funds in the amount of $12,288,390 are being obligated at the time of award. The Air Force Life Cycle Management Center, Dayton, Ohio, is the contracting activity.

Our read here is that DoW's aircraft description fits DZYNE's ULTRA surveillance-drone program, developed with the Air Force Research Laboratory. The meaningful boost to the contract shows how urgently the USAF needs to replenish its Group 5 drones, given the reported Reaper losses (upwards of 25% of the fleet) in the US-Iran conflict so far.

2024 image of American MQ-9 Reaper UAV brought down in Yemen’s Marib. ClashReport/X

Another signal that DoW is likely to boost DZYNE's ULTRA orders even more came at the Air & Space Forces Association's Air, Space & Cyber Conference earlier this month, when the USAF's Troy Meink commented on the need to upgrade the US military's unmanned aircraft fleet over the next six years.

Meink told the audience:

And this is not the only class of autonomous aircraft we are aggressively pursuing. As we saw in Epic Fury, ISR strike platforms have been essential. We have used MQ-9 and even now the ULTRA aircraft to great effect.

Building on these lessons, we are developing a family of low-cost multi-role strike platforms called the Mass Modular Aircraft, or MMAs.

MMAs will provide affordable, attritable, long-range strike, and we will be able to field them at scale. Our intent is to field 100 MMAs in 2029 at even a lower cost than the CCAs and a fraction of the cost of manned aircraft we build today. Then by 2032, 500 of these platforms will join our force operational fleet.

Follow-on orders would likely depend on available funding, with the Trump administration's proposed record defense budget potentially providing a runway for a lot more orders if passed.

Ondas, the company that acquired DZYNE earlier this year, closed around $7.64 on Friday and has a staggering 41% short float.

Any significant contract news on ULTRA orders, coupled with Wall Street waking up to the fact that this Group 5 drone can replace the Reaper for ISR missions, could spark a squeeze.

Tyler Durden Sat, 09/26/2026 - 21:35

Southeast Asia Keeps Building Gas Plants Despite Hormuz LNG Shock

Southeast Asia Keeps Building Gas Plants Despite Hormuz LNG Shock

Authored by Irina Slav via OilPrice.com,

Countries in Southeast Asia are still building natural gas-fired power plants despite the price inflation in gas caused by the Middle East war. Asian countries are also building more LNG import capacity, Global Energy Monitor reported.

The net-zero think tank said there was some 100 GW in new gas-fired power generation capacity under construction across the region and 70 GW in LNG import capacity.

"The continued expansion of LNG import infrastructure risks deepening exposure to the same supply disruptions and price volatility the crisis has brought to the fore," Global Energy Monitor said. The outlet noted that Southeast Asia could boost its domestic natural gas production to reduce dependence on imported liquefied gas but warned that this would take time.

"GEM identifies at least 20 fields that could add around 62 bcm/y of production capacity by 2035, but new supply takes years to develop and may not even supply domestic power markets," the think tank said.

Asia is the biggest buyer of liquefied natural gas and gas been ramping up related infrastructure for years, motivating the surge in planned production capacity as well. Yet gas prices were lower for much of that period, making such plans commercially viable. The war in the Persian Gulf led to a sharp drop in available liquefied gas supply, pushing prices significantly higher, sapping some Asian importers' appetite for LNG.

Global Energy Monitor argued in its report that the war is putting Southeast Asia's gas expansion to the test, noting that "much of the remaining planned expansion rests on three assumptions: that LNG will remain reliably available, that it will remain affordable enough to compete with alternatives, and that domestic gas can provide a fallback when imports are constrained." Whether these assumptions have a sound basis is yet to be determined as the war extends into its seventh month.

Tyler Durden Sat, 09/26/2026 - 21:00

IRS Probing $100 Billion In Potential COVID-19 Loan Fraud

IRS Probing $100 Billion In Potential COVID-19 Loan Fraud

Authored by Naveen Athrappully via The Epoch Times,

Roughly $100 billion in loans given for COVID-19 programs have been identified as suspected fraud by tax authorities.

Earlier this year, the Small Business Administration (SBA) referred more than $200 billion in suspected COVID loan fraud to the IRS.

The tax agency then compared the information that the borrowers submitted to the SBA when applying for the loans with the information they declared to the IRS.

Analysis identified discrepancies associated with approximately $100 billion in loans, the SBA said in a Sept. 23 statement.

The IRS will determine whether additional taxes and penalties apply, including penalties for committing fraud, according to the SBA.

The suspected fraud pertains to the Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) and COVID Economic Injury Disaster Loan (EIDL) initiatives.

PPP was aimed at helping businesses keep their workforce during the pandemic, while EIDL provided loans and advances to help businesses recover from the economic impacts of the crisis.

In 2023, the SBA judged that 20 percent of the $1.2 trillion pandemic relief program could have been obtained by fraud.

SBA Administrator Kelly Loeffler said:

"The IRS's identification of approximately $100 billion in suspected tax fraud sends a clear message: fraudsters who stole from SBA's COVID-relief programs will ... face accountability at the SBA.

"If they inflated payroll, fabricated employee counts, falsified business records, or otherwise lied to obtain taxpayer-funded loans, they will also face scrutiny from the IRS."

The federal government is estimated to lose $233 billion to $521 billion annually to fraud, the Government Accountability Office said in an April 2024 report.

Tackling COVID Fraud

The Trump administration has taken several steps to crack down on COVID-19 loan fraud.

In an April 24 statement, the SBA said it had referred 562,000 suspect loans to the Department of the Treasury for collection. These were PPP and COVID EIDL loans.

The SBA is legally obligated to refer delinquent debts to a Treasury bureau when they are deemed to be sufficiently past due.

However, under the prior administration, the SBA failed to refer the 562,000 loans to authorities for investigation and collection, the statement said.

On Sept. 14, task force head Vice President JD Vance announced that the administration would permanently suspend 870,000 people from receiving any more federal loans, as they are suspected of having defrauded $39 billion from COVID-19 small business programs.

Tyler Durden Sat, 09/26/2026 - 17:30

New Jersey Microsoft-Linked Data Center Hit With Record Fine Over Unpermitted Gas Generators

New Jersey Microsoft-Linked Data Center Hit With Record Fine Over Unpermitted Gas Generators

A New Jersey AI infrastructure project has been slapped with a $1.07 million environmental penalty after state officials determined that dozens of large natural-gas generators had been running without the necessary air permits, according to The Guardian. 

The fine against DataOne is the biggest New Jersey regulators have imposed on a data center. The generators were being used at the company’s Vineland complex, a large computing facility about 40 miles from Philadelphia that is expected to support Microsoft’s growing demand for AI capacity through its $17 billion arrangement with infrastructure provider Nebius.

The Guardian writes that the equipment apparently wasn’t present when environmental officials inspected the property in December. By July, however, regulators found the generators at the site. Independent reporting later used thermal-drone footage to show that 45 of the facility’s 62 generators appeared to be operating.

That raised a significant permitting issue because the state had not authorized the generators under its air-quality program. The units produce emissions that can contribute to harmful air pollution, particularly when large numbers are operated simultaneously.

DataOne has now been given 45 days to bring the equipment into compliance by applying for the appropriate permits. If it fails to do so, the company could be forced to stop using the generators. For now, New Jersey is permitting them to continue operating while that process plays out.

The decision has frustrated some environmental advocates, who argue that the financial penalty is relatively small compared with the scale of the project.

They have also questioned why operations were allowed to continue after regulators determined the required approvals were missing.

The controversy adds to earlier friction surrounding the Vineland development, including complaints from nearby residents about noise and disputes over construction and zoning.

DataOne says the generators were only intended as an interim source of electricity and disputes the state’s interpretation of the permitting requirements. Nevertheless, the company says it will submit the necessary applications while moving ahead with plans to replace the generators with quieter, lower-emission fuel cells.

The company has not indicated whether it will contest the $1.07 million penalty.

Tyler Durden Sat, 09/26/2026 - 16:55

10 Unexpected Consequences Of An Economic Crisis Nobody Is Talking About

10 Unexpected Consequences Of An Economic Crisis Nobody Is Talking About

Authored by John Walter via Substack,

I need to be honest with you before we begin. I don't have all the answers. Anyone who claims to understand exactly how economic systems collapse, or precisely when, is either lying or selling something. What I have done is spend years reading, observing, and talking to people who lived through crises that most of us only read about in history books.

My grandmother kept cash sewn into the lining of her coat because she remembered 1929. My grandfather refused to invest in the stock market his entire life because he watched his father's bakery fail during a banking panic in 1931. They taught me that stability is a story we tell ourselves, not a permanent condition. That lesson took decades to sink in.

What follows is based on verified data and historical patterns. I have tried to avoid the confident predictions that make for good television but bad analysis. Instead, I have focused on mechanisms - how things break, why they break, and what happens to ordinary people when the assumptions they built their lives upon suddenly shift.

Some of this will disturb you. It should. But my goal is not to frighten you into buying gold or moving to a bunker. My goal is to help you see the patterns that emerge when economic stress moves from the financial pages into daily life. These patterns repeat across centuries because human psychology and institutional behavior follow predictable paths when pressured.

I have made mistakes in my analysis before. I underestimated the resilience of certain systems and overestimated the fragility of others. I have learned that timing is nearly impossible to predict, but direction is often visible years in advance. What I offer here is not prophecy. It is observation, carefully sourced, about what happens when the machinery we depend on begins to grind rather than hum.

Read this with skepticism. Verify the data. Check my sources. But do not dismiss the underlying reality because you find it uncomfortable. My grandparents taught me that the people who survive crises are not necessarily the ones who saw them coming first. They are the ones who took the warning signs seriously enough to prepare while others continued assuming tomorrow would look like yesterday.

That preparation begins with understanding.

The most dangerous economic crises rarely arrive with the fanfare we expect. There are no burning buildings on the first day. No immediate shortages. No government announcements that the old order has ended.

Instead, the transformation begins through decisions that appear rational when viewed individually. A company reduces its workforce to protect quarterly earnings. A government delays infrastructure maintenance because budgets are constrained. A family postpones major purchases because the future feels uncertain. Each decision makes sense in isolation.

The danger emerges when millions of similar decisions begin happening simultaneously, creating feedback loops that institutions struggle to control and individuals struggle to recognize until they are already caught in the current.

Throughout history, economic systems have appeared strongest precisely when underlying weaknesses accumulated most dangerously. Periods of prosperity create institutional expansion, debt accumulation, and consumer confidence that gradually forgets stability is never guaranteed. The prosperity itself generates the conditions that later make adjustment more painful. Businesses optimize for efficiency until redundancy disappears. Governments become comfortable with increasing obligations. Households adapt to living standards that depend on economic conditions which cannot continue indefinitely.

What concerns me is not the dramatic collapse that captures headlines. It is the quiet erosion of capacity that precedes visible breakdown - the gradual subtraction of options that masquerades as continuity until the day arrives when systems can no longer absorb stress.

Consider these developments:

1. Financial markets have become increasingly disconnected from underlying economic productivity, with asset prices rising while real wages stagnate and infrastructure deteriorates.

2. Global supply chains, optimized for maximum efficiency and minimal inventory, lack the redundancy to absorb shocks that would have been manageable decades ago when businesses maintained larger reserves.

What follows examines ten consequences that receive insufficient attention in mainstream discussions of economic crisis. These are not speculative fantasies. They are patterns observed in historical crises, visible in current data, and likely to manifest in ways that reshape daily life for billions of people.

1. Universities Face Reckoning as the Degree-to-Debt Equation Collapses

Higher education has operated for decades on a simple promise: borrow money now, earn more later. This equation worked reasonably well when tuition costs remained proportionate to expected earnings. It has broken down as costs exploded while graduate earnings stagnated in real terms.

One statistic surprised me more than I expected: American student debt now exceeds $1.7 trillion, larger than credit card debt and auto loans combined. The average bachelor's degree recipient in 2023 graduated with approximately $37,000 in debt, though this figure masks enormous variation - medical and law students often carry $200,000 or more, while dropouts carry debt without degrees. Default rates have risen steadily, particularly at for-profit institutions where outcomes prove worst.

During an economic crisis, this pressure intensifies from both directions simultaneously. Families facing declining purchasing power become less willing or able to commit to expensive degrees. Employers facing their own financial challenges reconsider whether traditional qualifications provide sufficient value compared with practical experience, professional certifications, or technology-based training. Meanwhile, universities still carry costs accumulated during years of expansion - administrative staff, facilities, debt service, pension obligations - that cannot be reduced quickly.

Institutions begin showing stress through program consolidations, delayed investments, and fundamental questioning of models that seemed permanent. Small private colleges close at accelerating rates - over 100 since 2016, with dozens more on accreditation probation. Large public universities face state funding cuts precisely when demand for retraining increases. Graduate programs in humanities shrink while coding bootcamps expand, not because Shakespeare became less valuable, but because employment markets no longer subsidize the study of literature with guaranteed middle-class incomes.

Artificial intelligence accelerates this disruption. For centuries, universities held near-monopolies over access to advanced knowledge. Students traveled to campuses because expertise concentrated physically. That relationship is changing rapidly. AI systems, digital platforms, and specialized online training allow individuals to acquire valuable skills without following traditional academic pathways. A teenager in Lagos can now access lectures from MIT, programming courses from Google, and AI tools that would have required university laboratories a decade ago.

This does not mean universities disappear. Research institutions with laboratories, scientific contributions, and intellectual networks remain valuable. The disruption affects the assumption that every institution, every degree, and every traditional educational path carries equivalent economic value. A crisis forces society to confront a question avoided for decades: what happens when an institution built around the promise of future opportunity must operate in a world where that promise is no longer guaranteed?

Historical parallels exist. During the Great Depression, university enrollment initially dropped as families could not afford tuition. Enrollment then rose as unemployed workers sought retraining and young people delayed entering weak job markets. But the institutions that survived were those that adapted - offering night classes, developing vocational programs, cutting costs. Those that maintained business-as-usual approaches often failed.

The demographic cliff approaching American higher education makes this particularly urgent. The number of 18-year-olds peaks in 2025 then declines through 2030 due to low birth rates during the 2008 crisis. Universities have built infrastructure and staffing for growing populations that will not materialize. Competition for students intensifies just as family ability to pay decreases. Something has to give.

Over time, we see not the death of higher education but its transformation into something more differentiated - research universities for the elite, vocational training for the majority, and a vast middle ground of institutions struggling to justify costs against outcomes. The crisis accelerates a sorting that prosperity had delayed.

2. Agricultural Efficiency Reveals Hidden Fragility

Modern agriculture represents one of humanity's greatest achievements and one of its most dangerous vulnerabilities. We have built systems capable of feeding 8 billion people through technological sophistication that would astonish previous generations. We have also created dependencies so complex that few understand them and fewer could rebuild them if they faltered.

The cost structure tells the story. Consider the inputs required for high-yield farming. Nitrogen fertilizer, produced through the Haber-Bosch process, consumes 1-2 percent of global energy supply - primarily natural gas. Without continuous application, yields on modern farmland drop 40-60 percent. Phosphate reserves concentrate in Morocco, Western Sahara, China, and Russia - nations not always aligned with Western interests. Potassium comes largely from Belarus, Russia, and Canada. These are not commodities that can be easily substituted or quickly replaced.

A prolonged economic crisis places pressure on farmers operating under increasingly narrow margins. Every season requires significant investment before any income arrives. Fuel must be purchased, equipment maintained, seeds secured, loans repaid regardless of harvest outcomes. During stable periods, these challenges are absorbed. Credit remains available, supply chains function, producers plan years ahead.

The situation changes when multiple pressures arrive simultaneously. Higher borrowing costs increase debt service. Rising energy prices affect fuel, fertilizer, and processing. Trade disruptions block export markets or input supplies. Declining consumer purchasing power reduces demand for premium products. Farmers face impossible choices: reduce fertilizer use and accept lower yields, or maintain inputs and risk bankruptcy if prices drop.

The delayed nature of agricultural decisions makes this particularly dangerous. Choices made today reveal consequences months or years later. A farmer who reduces fertilizer in spring faces lower yields in fall. A nation that fails to maintain irrigation infrastructure faces drought vulnerability years later. By the time consumers notice significant changes in availability or prices, underlying problems have developed for multiple seasons.

Historical food crises rarely stem from single causes. The 2007-2008 price spike resulted from drought in Australia, biofuel mandates in the United States, export bans in India and Vietnam, financial speculation, and energy price increases interacting unpredictably. Prices doubled in six months. Riots erupted in 30 countries. Governments fell in Haiti and Madagascar. The system appeared robust until it wasn't.

Modern agriculture faces additional pressures previous generations did not. Soil degradation affects 40 percent of global farmland according to FAO estimates. Aquifers deplete - India's Punjab, America's Ogallala, China's North China Plain. Climate change shifts growing zones and increases extreme weather. Four companies control 60 percent of global seed sales. Three companies control 70 percent of phosphate fertilizer. Five trading houses handle 90 percent of grain exports. Concentration creates efficiency and fragility simultaneously.

When Ukraine's grain exports faced blockade in 2022 - 9 percent of global wheat, 13 percent of barley, 15 percent of maize - prices spiked immediately. Alternative suppliers could not quickly scale production. Importing nations imposed export bans. The fragility of just-in-time systems, optimized for efficiency rather than resilience, became visible.

A deeper crisis would test these systems more severely. If multiple breadbaskets face simultaneous stress - drought in North America, floods in Europe, heat in India, export restrictions in Russia - the global food system lacks reserves to absorb shocks. Strategic grain reserves have declined globally as just-in-time logistics replaced storage. The buffer is gone.

The political implications extend beyond economics. Food insecurity has triggered revolutions throughout history. The French Revolution followed wheat shortages. The Arab Spring followed price spikes in 2011. When people cannot feed their families, political stability becomes impossible regardless of other factors. Governments understand this. China's obsession with food security, India's export bans, Saudi Arabia's purchases of foreign farmland - all reflect recognition that agricultural dependence creates strategic vulnerability.

In practice, we see not necessarily famine in wealthy nations, though that remains possible. More likely is persistent food price inflation that consumes household budgets, forces dietary changes, and creates political pressure for interventionist policies that further disrupt markets.

3. Social Cohesion Dissolves as Economic Confidence Evaporates

Economic crises damage more than balance sheets. They erode the psychological foundations of social order - the shared assumptions that allow strangers to cooperate, institutions to function, and political disagreement to remain bounded.

How do individuals respond to prolonged uncertainty? Temporary recessions can be endured because people assume recovery approaches. They continue making plans, accepting short-term sacrifice for long-term gain. The psychology changes when uncertainty becomes permanent - when an entire generation enters adulthood during stagnation, when parents watch children face worse prospects than they enjoyed, when the future promised by education and effort fails to materialize year after year.

Millions of individual decisions aggregate into broader social changes. Families delay major purchases. Businesses postpone expansion. Workers accept precarious employment rather than hold out for stability. Young professionals view traditional pathways to success with skepticism. Over time, these adaptations create a society operating on different assumptions than the one that preceded the crisis.

The fictional scenario of social dissolution is not necessarily dramatic. It does not require civil war or revolution, though those remain possible. More commonly, it manifests as gradual withdrawal from collective institutions and increased reliance on personal networks. Trust in government, media, science, and expertise declines. People seek information that confirms existing beliefs rather than challenges them. Conspiracy theories flourish because they offer explanations when official narratives fail to match lived experience.

History suggests examples. Weimar Germany's hyperinflation did not directly cause Nazism, but it destroyed the middle-class savings that had supported democratic institutions. The psychological cost of watching lifetime accumulation evaporate created receptivity to radical alternatives. Argentina's repeated crises transformed a wealthy nation into one where institutional trust disappeared and personal networks became the only reliable form of security.

The danger emerges when economic hardship transforms political disagreement into permanent distrust. Healthy societies contain competing ideas. The risk is that crisis makes those disagreements existential - each side convinced the other threatens survival itself. Social media accelerates this by creating echo chambers where opposing views become not merely wrong but evil.

Institutional legitimacy becomes a scarce resource. Governments struggle to communicate effectively when populations no longer believe official statements. Traditional media faces skepticism that alternative narratives exploit. Experts find themselves competing with influencers who offer simpler explanations and more emotionally satisfying villains.

This is not irrational. If institutions failed to predict the crisis, failed to prevent it, and appear unable to resolve it, why should citizens continue trusting them? The loss of confidence becomes self-fulfilling - institutions that lack public support cannot implement solutions that require sacrifice, so problems worsen, so confidence falls further.

What replaces institutional trust varies. Sometimes local organizations gain importance - churches, neighborhood associations, mutual aid networks. Sometimes ethnic or tribal identities strengthen as broader national identity weakens. Sometimes criminal organizations provide services that legitimate institutions cannot, buying loyalty through protection and employment. The specific form matters less than the underlying shift from formal to informal structures of authority.

The emotional cost falls heaviest on those who remember stability. Young people who never experienced prosperity adapt more easily; they have no reference point for loss. Older workers who built careers during growth face despair as skills become obsolete and savings dwindle. The generation gap widens not just economically but culturally, as different experiences create incompatible worldviews.

Mental health deteriorates under sustained stress. Substance abuse increases. Family violence rises. These are not separate issues from economic policy - they are direct consequences of insecurity that create additional costs for healthcare, criminal justice, and social services precisely when those systems face budget pressures.

The social fabric does not tear all at once. It frays gradually, in small ways that accumulate until suddenly the center cannot hold. By then, the habits of cooperation have atrophied and rebuilding becomes vastly more difficult than maintaining would have been.

4. Healthcare Systems Strain Under Compound Pressures

Modern healthcare is simultaneously one of civilization's greatest achievements and one of its most fragile systems. Hospitals appear permanent, their existence so essential that questioning their reliability seems absurd. Yet they operate within the same financial constraints as every other institution, and those constraints tighten dangerously during economic crisis.

I kept coming back to one uncomfortable question: how does a system already consuming $4.3 trillion annually - over $12,900 per person, nearly double the OECD average - face crisis when budgets contract? The answer is that American healthcare is optimized for revenue generation rather than health outcomes, creating perverse incentives that resist reform.

During crisis, pressure arrives from multiple directions simultaneously. Rising operational costs affect everything - energy for facilities, pharmaceutical supplies, equipment maintenance, staffing. Shortages of medical personnel intensify as burnout drives experienced workers from the profession. Aging populations increase demand precisely when resources contract. Financial difficulties affect both public programs facing budget cuts and private providers facing declining insured populations.

The first consequences are subtle. Hospitals delay modernization projects. Maintenance schedules slip. Smaller facilities close or merge. Medical professionals experience increasing workloads as institutions attempt to operate with limited resources. None of these developments creates immediate catastrophe, but together they reduce flexibility - the margin that healthcare systems need during periods of extraordinary demand.

A severe economic crisis changes the equation because it affects both supply and demand simultaneously. Institutions have fewer resources for expansion, staffing, and technology. Meanwhile, economic hardship contributes to declining public health as people delay medical appointments, reduce preventive care, or experience stress-related conditions. Unemployment often means loss of insurance coverage in American-style systems, creating a population that needs care but cannot afford it.

The pandemic provided a preview. COVID-19 killed an estimated 20 million people globally despite modern medicine. It revealed supply chain vulnerabilities - personal protective equipment, ventilators, basic pharmaceuticals - that had accumulated during years of just-in-time optimization. Hospitals faced impossible triage decisions. Elective procedures were delayed, creating backlogs that persist years later. Healthcare workers experienced trauma that drove many from the profession.

A prolonged economic crisis would compound these pressures without the temporary emergency mobilization that pandemics trigger. Instead of unity and sacrifice, institutional responses would face political resistance and budget constraints. Hard choices about rationing care, limiting services, or denying expensive treatments would become routine rather than exceptional.

The technological dimension adds complexity. AI and automation promise efficiency gains - diagnostic algorithms, robotic surgery, predictive analytics. They also require investment that cash-strapped systems cannot afford. They create new vulnerabilities when software fails or networks are compromised. They potentially reduce employment for medical professionals at a time when human connection becomes more valuable precisely because it is scarce.

Mental health demands special attention. Economic crises increase depression, anxiety, substance abuse, and suicide. These conditions require treatment that strained systems struggle to provide. The combination of increased need and decreased capacity creates human suffering that statistics capture poorly but society feels acutely.

Historical precedents suggest healthcare systems adapt slowly to crisis. The Soviet Union maintained universal healthcare formally while actual provision deteriorated dramatically during the 1990s. Venezuela's health system collapsed alongside its economy, with preventable diseases returning and infant mortality rising. These are extreme cases, but they demonstrate that healthcare is not immune to institutional failure.

Over time, we see likely tiered care - excellent service for those with resources, declining access for the middle class, and crisis conditions for the poor. This violates ethical principles that healthcare systems claim to uphold, but economic constraints force uncomfortable choices. Rationing by price replaces rationing by need. The social contract frays.

The long-term consequences extend beyond immediate health outcomes. Populations in poor health are less productive, creating feedback loops that worsen economic conditions. Children who miss developmental milestones due to inadequate care face lifetime disadvantages. The costs of short-term savings become long-term burdens that compound across generations.

5. Mobility Becomes a Luxury as Transportation Networks Decay

For generations, mobility has defined modernity itself. The ability to travel across cities, countries, and continents became a birthright of developed world citizenship. Cheap fuel, global aviation, extensive road networks, and international shipping transformed how people worked, migrated, vacationed, and imagined their possibilities.

This mobility depended on conditions that are not permanent: abundant energy, stable trade relationships, public investment in infrastructure, and consumer purchasing power sufficient to justify travel costs. When these conditions shift, mobility contracts in ways that reshape daily life and economic geography.

The transformation does not begin with closed borders or empty airports. It begins with rising costs and declining reliability. Fuel prices increase as extraction becomes more difficult and geopolitical instability disrupts supply chains. Transportation companies reduce operations as margins compress. Insurance becomes more expensive as climate risks intensify. Infrastructure maintenance is delayed because governments face competing priorities.

The first people affected are not the wealthy. They can afford private aviation and premium services. The impact falls on ordinary workers, families, and small businesses that depend on affordable transportation. A delivery company struggling with diesel prices raises prices or reduces service areas. A rural community with reduced bus service becomes more isolated. A worker who accepted employment far from home faces impossible commuting costs. A family postpones the vacation that would have supported jobs in a tourist destination.

Economic activity depends heavily on movement. Goods must be transported, employees must reach workplaces, tourists must spend money, businesses must maintain supplier relationships. When mobility becomes expensive or unreliable, economic activity slows in ways that statistics capture only partially. The qualitative change - loss of opportunity, narrowing of horizons, contraction of possibility - is felt but hard to measure.

The psychological shift is equally significant. Globalization was not merely an economic system; it was a cultural expectation. People built identities around cosmopolitanism, international experience, global networks. They assumed distance mattered less than it had for any previous generation. A prolonged crisis challenges that assumption.

Travel decisions that once involved only cost and convenience begin involving concerns about uncertainty, disruption, and reliability. Businesses reduce unnecessary travel, discovering that video conferencing can substitute for many purposes. Families postpone vacations, discovering that local recreation can substitute for distant destinations. Communities become more focused on local resources and relationships.

This is not necessarily negative. Some argue societies became excessively dependent on global networks and ignored local resilience. The reduction in aviation emissions addresses climate concerns. The rediscovery of local community addresses isolation. But the transition is painful for those whose livelihoods and identities depended on mobility.

Geographic mobility - migration for opportunity - also contracts. Young people who might have moved to distant cities for employment find those cities no more promising than home. International migration faces political resistance as destination countries face their own economic pressures. The result is increased geographic stratification, with some regions experiencing decline while others maintain prosperity, and reduced social mobility as birth location increasingly determines life outcomes.

The 1970s oil shocks provide historical precedent. Prices quadrupled. Economies entered recession. Inflation soared. Car-free Sundays in Europe. Gas lines in America. The crisis eventually passed, but it transformed energy policy, automotive design, and geopolitical strategy. Current challenges involve more complex energy systems and more constrained alternatives.

The infrastructure dimension deserves attention. American roads, bridges, and transit systems face maintenance backlogs measured in trillions of dollars. Airports designed for growth face congestion and delay. The assumption that infrastructure automatically expands to meet demand proves false when budgets constrain and priorities shift. What exists is maintained poorly; what is needed is not built.

Over time, we see a more geographically rooted society, for better and worse. Local economies strengthen as global connections weaken. Community ties deepen as cosmopolitan networks fray. Opportunities narrow but belonging intensifies. The world becomes larger again, distance mattering more than it had in an era of cheap jet fuel and container shipping.

6. Technology Accelerates Disruption While Promising Solutions

Economic crises rarely affect only financial systems. They become catalysts for broader transformations because they force reconsideration of methods that prosperity made unquestionable. Technology moves from innovation to necessity when resources become scarce and survival demands efficiency.

Artificial intelligence, automation, digital platforms, and data analytics promise solutions to problems that crises intensify. AI improves medical diagnosis, optimizes supply chains, increases manufacturing productivity, and allows individuals to access services remotely. Automation reduces labor costs when labor becomes expensive. Digital platforms create new economic opportunities when traditional employment contracts.

The same technologies raise difficult questions about employment, inequality, and power. When technological systems become capable of performing tasks that previously required large workforces, societies must redefine the role of human labor. The issue is not simply whether machines replace people - historically, technology has created more employment than it destroyed - but whether institutions can adapt quickly enough to ensure that productivity gains benefit broad populations rather than concentrating among technology owners.

During crisis, this dynamic intensifies. Companies facing revenue decline and cost pressure adopt automation rapidly. Workers displaced by technology cannot easily retrain when education systems are themselves in crisis. The result is structural unemployment that persists even when economic conditions improve, creating a class of technologically displaced workers whose skills no longer match market demands.

The financial technology dimension is equally significant. Cryptocurrencies, decentralized finance, and digital payment systems offer alternatives when traditional banking proves unreliable or exclusive. They also create new vulnerabilities - fraud, collapse, regulatory arbitrage - that affect people least equipped to evaluate risks. The 2022 FTX implosion demonstrated how quickly digital financial systems can fail, destroying savings of ordinary investors who believed they were participating in the future of finance.

Surveillance capabilities expand during crisis as governments seek to monitor populations, enforce regulations, and maintain order. Digital payment systems create records of every transaction. Facial recognition tracks movement. Social media monitoring identifies dissent. These capabilities can improve governance and security. They can also enable authoritarian control that persists after the crisis that justified it.

Historical precedents suggest technological transformation accelerates during crisis. The Great Depression drove adoption of radio, cinema, and electrical appliances that changed domestic life. The 2008 crisis accelerated digital transformation - cloud computing, mobile platforms, gig economy work - that reshaped employment. Crises force adoption of efficiency measures that prosperity delays.

What differs today is the scale and speed of technological change, and the concentration of control. Previous technological revolutions distributed power more broadly - mechanization affected agriculture, electrification affected manufacturing, automobiles affected geography. Current technologies concentrate power in platforms and algorithms that few understand and fewer control. The benefits are real but unevenly distributed. The costs are borne by those who lack voice in how technologies are deployed.

People feel this most acutely in the pressure to constantly adapt. Populations already stressed by economic uncertainty face additional burden to learn new systems, new interfaces, new requirements. Digital literacy becomes essential for basic functioning - banking, healthcare, employment, education - yet many lack access or ability. The elderly, the poor, the rural face exclusion that compounds other disadvantages.

Over time, we see likely a bifurcated society: technologically adept populations enjoying new capabilities, and technologically excluded populations struggling with systems that no longer accommodate human interaction. The divide is not merely economic but existential - affecting identity, community, and meaning.

7. Housing Markets Transform from Wealth Engine to Burden

Housing has become the primary store of wealth for middle-class families in developed nations, and simultaneously the primary source of financial stress. This contradiction creates fragility that economic crises expose brutally.

The numbers tell a stark story. American home prices rose 47 percent between 2019 and 2023, while wages stagnated. The median home now costs over $400,000, requiring incomes that most families do not earn. Renting has become equally unaffordable - the average rent for a two-bedroom apartment exceeds $1,300 monthly, consuming over 30 percent of median income in most cities. Homelessness has increased in virtually every major American city.

This situation resulted from policy choices over decades: zoning restrictions that limit supply, tax advantages that subsidize ownership, financialization that treats housing as investment rather than shelter, and NIMBY politics that prioritize existing homeowner property values over accessibility for newcomers. The result is a system that generates wealth for those who bought decades ago while excluding younger generations and lower incomes.

Economic crisis transforms housing from asset to liability rapidly. Homeowners with mortgages face unemployment that makes payments impossible. Values drop, leaving underwater mortgages where debt exceeds worth. Foreclosures increase, destroying credit and displacing families. Renters face eviction when income disappears, creating homelessness that strains social services.

The 2008 crisis provided a preview. American home values dropped 30 percent nationally, more in some markets. Foreclosures exceeded 3 million annually at the peak. Construction employment collapsed. The psychological impact extended beyond economics - homeownership, the cornerstone of middle-class identity, proved fragile. Communities hollowed out as residents departed.

A deeper crisis would compound these effects with additional pressures. Rising interest rates make mortgages unaffordable even for employed buyers. Construction costs increase as materials and labor become scarce. Climate risks make some areas uninsurable, destroying property values regardless of location desirability. Remote work, normalized during COVID, allows geographic dispersion that reduces demand for expensive urban housing while increasing it elsewhere.

The generational dimension is stark. Baby boomers who bought homes when prices were low and mortgages deductible now own assets worth fortunes. Millennials and Gen Z face prices that require dual incomes, family support, or extreme sacrifice. Homeownership rates for young adults have declined to levels not seen since before World War II. The wealth transfer from young to old through housing markets creates resentment that political systems struggle to address.

International comparisons reveal alternatives. Germany maintains robust rental markets with tenant protections that make renting secure and desirable. Singapore builds public housing that maintains quality and accessibility. Vienna's social housing houses over 60 percent of residents in well-maintained, community-oriented developments. These models require political will that American systems lack, but they demonstrate that alternatives exist.

Over time, we see likely a housing market transformed by necessity. Remote work enables geographic arbitrage - workers moving to cheaper locations while maintaining employment. Tiny homes, accessory dwelling units, and co-living arrangements proliferate as conventional housing becomes inaccessible. Some cities experience decline as demand shifts, creating opportunities for reinvention but also blight and abandonment.

The social implications extend beyond economics. Housing instability creates stress that affects health, education, and family stability. Children who change schools frequently fall behind. Adults who commute long hours sacrifice time for relationships and community. Communities without stable populations cannot build social capital. The housing crisis is a social crisis masquerading as a market problem.

Historical precedents suggest housing transformation is slow but profound. The shift from rural to urban living in the 19th century, the suburbanization of the mid-20th century, the gentrification of recent decades - all took decades but fundamentally reshaped society. Current pressures may accelerate similar transformation, with technology and climate adding new dimensions to traditional economic forces.

8. Energy Systems Face Simultaneous Supply and Demand Pressures

Energy is the foundation of modern civilization. Not metaphorically - literally. Every aspect of contemporary life depends on abundant, affordable energy: food production, transportation, heating, cooling, manufacturing, communication, healthcare. When energy systems stress, everything stresses.

This is where the numbers stopped feeling abstract. Global energy consumption continues rising despite efficiency gains. We burn approximately 100 million barrels of oil daily, plus coal, natural gas, and growing but still modest renewable contributions. The energy return on energy invested (EROEI) for petroleum has fallen from 100:1 in early fields to roughly 15:1 today. We work harder for less net energy, a trend that cannot continue indefinitely.

Renewable energy expands rapidly but faces constraints. Solar and wind provide intermittent power requiring storage or backup generation. Battery production depends on lithium, cobalt, and nickel concentrated in specific locations - Chile, Australia, Democratic Republic of Congo, Indonesia. Processing these materials requires fossil fuel energy. Manufacturing solar panels consumes energy and creates waste. None of this means renewables cannot scale, but they scale within limits imposed by physics, geology, and existing infrastructure.

Germany's Energiewende demonstrates these limits. After investing hundreds of billions in renewable energy, Germany still relies on coal for grid stability. Electricity prices rank among Europe's highest. Emissions reductions have been modest. The transition proves more difficult than advocates assumed, requiring compromises that environmental principles resist.

Infrastructure aging compounds supply challenges. American transmission lines average 40 years of service. Transformers require 18-36 month lead times for replacement because domestic manufacturing capacity has declined. The grid experiences more outages than any other developed nation's. Meanwhile, demand grows from data centers - Amazon, Google, Microsoft, and Meta now consume more electricity than many nations - air conditioning in warming climates, and vehicle electrification.

A prolonged economic crisis creates impossible choices. Investment in new capacity requires capital that strained budgets cannot provide. Maintenance of existing infrastructure is deferred, increasing failure risk. Transition to renewable sources accelerates in some regions while stalling in others as costs and reliability concerns dominate. Geopolitical instability disrupts fuel supplies precisely when alternatives are not yet scaled.

The 1970s oil shocks provide historical precedent. Prices quadrupled. Economies entered recession. Inflation soared. Car-free Sundays in Europe. Gas lines in America. The crisis eventually passed, but it transformed energy policy, automotive design, and geopolitical strategy. Current challenges involve more complex energy systems and more constrained alternatives.

Climate change adds urgency that economic crisis complicates. The transition away from fossil fuels is necessary for long-term survival but expensive in the short term. When budgets are constrained, long-term investments are deferred for immediate needs. The result is continued dependence on fossil fuels that worsen the climate conditions that make energy transition more urgent - a trap that resists easy escape.

Over time, we see likely an energy system more differentiated by region and wealth. Wealthy areas maintain reliable supply through premium pricing and advanced technology. Poor areas face rationing, outages, and high costs. Some regions accelerate renewable transition out of necessity; others double down on fossil fuels. The global energy market fragments as security concerns override efficiency optimization.

The social implications are profound. Energy poverty - defined as spending more than 10 percent of income on energy - affects millions in wealthy nations and billions globally. Cold homes in winter. Hot homes in summer. Limited cooking options. Restricted transportation. These conditions affect health, education, and economic opportunity. Energy is not a luxury; it is a prerequisite for modern life.

Historical energy transitions - wood to coal, coal to oil, oil to electricity - took decades and created social disruption. Current transition must happen faster while affecting more people. The friction is inevitable. The question is whether institutions can manage it without catastrophic failure.

9. Financial Complexity Creates Hidden Systemic Risks

Modern finance has become extraordinarily complex - so complex that few participants understand the systems they depend upon, and regulators struggle to monitor risks that emerge from interactions between instruments designed by different institutions for different purposes.

The scale is difficult to grasp. Global derivatives notional exposure exceeds $600 trillion, many times world GDP. These instruments - options, futures, swaps, structured products - serve legitimate purposes: hedging risk, price discovery, liquidity provision. They also create interdependencies that can propagate failure rapidly. The 2008 crisis demonstrated how problems in subprime mortgages - a relatively small market - could trigger global financial collapse through derivative exposures that amplified and transmitted risk.

Shadow banking - non-bank financial intermediaries - operates outside traditional regulatory visibility. Money market funds, private equity, hedge funds, special purpose vehicles handle credit that once flowed through regulated banks. This shadow system provides liquidity and investment that fuel economic activity. It also creates vulnerabilities that regulators understand imperfectly and that can freeze suddenly when confidence evaporates.

Algorithmic trading now accounts for 70 percent of equity market volume. Computers execute trades in milliseconds based on patterns human traders cannot perceive. This creates efficiency and liquidity under normal conditions. It also creates instability - flash crashes in 2010, 2015, and 2020 demonstrated how algorithms can amplify volatility and create liquidity evaporation precisely when needed most.

Cryptocurrency markets add new dimensions. Bitcoin, Ethereum, and thousands of other digital assets created parallel financial systems operating outside traditional regulation. Some see these as liberation from government control and inflation. Others see them as speculative bubbles vulnerable to fraud, manipulation, and collapse. The 2022 FTX implosion - $8 billion in customer funds disappearing overnight - demonstrated that cryptocurrency markets replicate traditional finance's vulnerabilities while adding new ones.

A prolonged economic crisis tests these systems in ways that normal conditions do not. Correlations that models assume remain stable suddenly spike. Liquidity that appears abundant evaporates. Counterparties that seemed reliable default. The complexity that created efficiency under growth becomes fragility under stress.

Historical financial crises follow patterns. Credit expands during growth, creating asset bubbles. Recognition of overvaluation triggers contraction. Leverage amplifies losses. Contagion spreads through interconnected institutions. Panic causes liquidity freezes that force fire sales, worsening declines. Government intervention eventually stabilizes systems but at enormous cost and with lasting political consequences.

What differs today is scale and speed. Global integration means problems propagate instantly. Computer trading means crashes happen in milliseconds rather than days. Derivative exposures mean small problems can become large through leverage. The system is robust until it isn't, and the transition can be sudden.

The political implications are significant. Financial crises destroy trust in institutions that appeared permanent. They create demands for regulation that powerful interests resist. They generate populist movements that blame elites, globalization, or minorities for problems that are systemic. The aftermath of 2008 - Occupy movements, Brexit, Trump, European populism - demonstrated how financial crisis becomes political crisis.

Wealth concentration exacerbates instability. The richest 1 percent own 45 percent of global wealth; the bottom 50 percent own less than 1 percent. This concentration creates demand deficiency - rich people save more - and political instability. Populist movements emerge on left and right, attacking elites, globalization, and institutions. The shared reality required for collective action fragments.

Over time, we see likely reregulation - attempts to constrain the complexity that created fragility. But regulatory capture means rules are written by those regulated. Innovation finds ways around constraints. The cycle of crisis, regulation, relaxation, and renewed crisis continues. Financial instability is not a bug of modern capitalism but a feature - creative destruction that allocates resources but destroys lives and communities in the process.

10. Institutional Legitimacy Erodes as Solutions Fail

The final consequence may prove most consequential because it affects everything else. When economic crises persist, institutions lose legitimacy. Governments, corporations, media, experts, international organizations - all face skepticism that becomes self-fulfilling as failed predictions and ineffective responses accumulate.

What do institutions require to function? They need resources, certainly - tax revenue, profits, investment. But they also need something less tangible: trust that they serve legitimate purposes, that leaders act in good faith, that following rules produces fair outcomes. This trust is earned slowly and lost quickly.

Economic crisis destroys trust in specific ways. Institutions that failed to predict crisis lose credibility as prognosticators. Institutions that failed to prevent crisis lose credibility as protectors. Institutions that fail to resolve crisis lose credibility as competent managers. Each failure compounds, creating narrative of institutional incapacity that becomes difficult to reverse.

The psychological mechanism is rational. If experts misunderstood the economy, why trust their advice on other matters? If governments cannot manage finances, why obey their regulations? If corporations destroy value while enriching executives, why participate in their systems? The loss of confidence is not irrational conspiracy thinking. It is reasonable response to demonstrated failure.

Historical examples are numerous. Weimar Germany's hyperinflation destroyed faith in democratic institutions that were then replaced by authoritarian alternatives. The Soviet Union's collapse revealed that communist planning could not deliver promised prosperity, discrediting the entire ideological framework. The 2008 crisis destroyed trust in financial regulation, central banking, and economic expertise that has not recovered.

What replaces institutional trust varies by context. Sometimes local organizations gain importance - churches, neighborhood associations, mutual aid networks. Sometimes ethnic or tribal identities strengthen as broader national identity weakens. Sometimes criminal organizations provide services that legitimate institutions cannot, buying loyalty through protection and employment. The specific form matters less than the underlying shift from formal to informal authority.

The information environment accelerates this erosion. Social media allows alternative narratives to spread rapidly, bypassing traditional gatekeepers. Conspiracy theories flourish because they offer explanations when official narratives fail to match lived experience. Filter bubbles create parallel realities where different populations cannot agree on basic facts, making collective action impossible.

The danger is not chaos immediately. It is the gradual replacement of legitimate authority by authority that serves narrower interests - corporate, ethnic, criminal, foreign. The state does not disappear; it becomes a shell manipulated by those with resources to capture its functions. Public goods become private goods. Rule of law becomes rule of power. Corruption becomes systemic rather than exceptional.

Democratic institutions face particular challenges during crisis. They require patience, compromise, and acceptance of procedural legitimacy even when outcomes disappoint. Economic stress makes these requirements harder to meet. Populations demand immediate solutions that democratic processes cannot deliver quickly. Authoritarian alternatives promise decisive action that democracy's deliberation prevents.

Over time, we see not necessarily dictatorship, though that remains possible. More commonly, it is democratic decay - formal institutions maintained but emptied of meaning, elections held but choices constrained, rights respected in theory but violated in practice. The appearance of democracy persists while substance erodes.

Reversing this erosion is extraordinarily difficult. Trust, once lost, cannot be commanded back. It must be earned through demonstrated competence and integrity over years. Institutions that have failed must reform genuinely, not cosmetically. Leaders must acknowledge mistakes rather than deflect blame. These requirements are rare during crisis when defensiveness dominates.

The long-term consequences extend for generations. Children raised during institutional failure learn skepticism that persists into adulthood. Social capital - the trust and cooperation that make collective action possible - depletes and rebuilds slowly. The habits of democracy atrophy. The skills of authoritarianism - obedience, hierarchy, suppression of dissent - develop.

What Remains

I have tried to avoid the confident predictions that make for dramatic reading but poor analysis. I do not know when these developments will manifest, or in what order, or with what severity. Timing is nearly impossible to predict because it depends on decisions not yet made, shocks not yet arrived, and interactions that cannot be modeled in advance.

What I do know, from history and from the data I have examined, is that complex systems often appear strongest precisely when they are most fragile. That prosperity creates the conditions for its own disruption. That institutions adapt slowly to changes that arrive rapidly. That human psychology is poorly suited to recognizing gradual threats that require collective response.

My grandparents survived the Great Depression not because they predicted it precisely but because they maintained habits of caution that prosperity made seem unnecessary. They saved, they diversified, they maintained skills, they valued community. These habits served them when crisis arrived.

What I offer here is not a roadmap to doom but a map of vulnerabilities. The systems we depend upon are more fragile than advertised. The assumptions we make about continuity are less reliable than we pretend. The future will likely bring challenges that current institutions are poorly prepared to meet.

How individuals and societies respond to these challenges will determine what emerges. History offers examples of resilience and collapse, adaptation and failure. The outcome is not predetermined. But it is shaped by recognition - by seeing patterns early enough to prepare, by taking warning signs seriously enough to act while others continue assuming tomorrow will resemble yesterday.

The countdown is not to a specific date but to a series of thresholds that will determine which futures remain possible. We are closer to some of those thresholds than comfortable acknowledgment allows.

Recognition comes first. Preparation is what gives that recognition value.

My grandmother's coat, with cash sewn into the lining, used to seem excessive. Now it feels like a reminder.

The structures still stand. The question is whether we will maintain them before they require rebuilding from foundations that may no longer exist.

Tyler Durden Sat, 09/26/2026 - 16:20

Kyrsten Sinema’s Former Bodyguard Arrested After Alleged Break-In

Kyrsten Sinema’s Former Bodyguard Arrested After Alleged Break-In

A bizarre dispute involving former Arizona Sen. Kyrsten Sinema and a man who once served as both her bodyguard and romantic partner has resulted in criminal charges, according to NBC.

Matthew Ammel, 39, was arrested in Arizona this month after allegedly entering Sinema’s home while she was traveling and causing an estimated $200,000 in damage.

Authorities say the Aug. 30 incident began with Ammel pressuring Sinema to upload a video to X. He allegedly warned that unless she posted it, he would begin destroying her artwork at 10-minute intervals.

When Sinema refused, Ammel allegedly went through the house removing roughly 22 paintings and tossing them into the swimming pool. Investigators say another painting was defaced with spray paint and placed near the home’s entrance. Expensive bottles of alcohol were also allegedly smashed, leaving broken glass around the property and in the pool.

NBC writes that police arrested Ammel on Sept. 17 after he left a mental health facility. He has since been charged with aggravated criminal damage and released pending an October court date.

The episode adds another chapter to an already complicated story involving Ammel and Sinema.

Ammel, a retired Army veteran, began working on Sinema’s security detail in 2022 and accompanied the senator on trips in the U.S. and abroad. He later received a national security fellowship in her Senate office while remaining involved with her security.

The two also had a romantic relationship while Ammel was married, something Sinema has acknowledged.

That relationship is now at the center of a separate lawsuit brought by Ammel’s former wife in North Carolina. The state is among the few that still recognizes “alienation of affection” claims, allowing someone to pursue damages against a third party accused of interfering with a marriage.

Sinema sought to have the case thrown out on jurisdictional grounds, arguing that her connections to North Carolina were insufficient. A federal judge disagreed, pointing in part to messages she sent Ammel while he was in the state and allowing the case to proceed.

Ammel’s ex-wife claims their marriage had been loving and stable before Sinema became involved with him and is seeking monetary damages from the former senator.

Tyler Durden Sat, 09/26/2026 - 15:45

Legal Advocacy Group Accuses Virginia Schools Of Falsifying Ideology Of 911 Terrorists

Legal Advocacy Group Accuses Virginia Schools Of Falsifying Ideology Of 911 Terrorists

Authored by Naveen Athrappully via The Epoch Times,

Conservative legal advocacy group America First Legal (AFL) has announced it is investigating the Fairfax County Public Schools school district in Virginia, accusing Fairfax of issuing a teacher's guide that seeks to falsify the ideological underpinnings of the 9/11 attacks.

The guide omits key historical details, while instructing teachers to obfuscate 9/11 facts, AFL said in a Sept. 23 statement.

The guide asks teachers not to associate the attacks with Islam or Muslims and instructs teachers that 9/11 commemoration must focus on lives lost and the people who sacrificed to help others rather than the attackers.

The district's guide was first published by Fox News in late August, with AFL's investigation initiated after the news coverage, the group said.

"Do not focus a commemorative learning experience about 9/11 on an examination of Islam," the guide states.

"Teachers who decide to take a deep dive into world religions as part of their 9/11 lesson unintentionally send the harmful message that Islam, or all Muslims, are responsible for these terrorist attacks."

The guide asks teachers to "intentionally include" Muslim Americans among the victims, helpers, and heroes when teaching about the event, according to the guide.

In addition, teachers are recommended to "intentionally disrupt" any implicit associations between "Muslim," "outsider," and "terrorist" in the national discourse.

When discussing the incident, teachers must make it clear that the Sept. 11 attacks were carried out by the al-Qaeda terrorist group, whose actions "should not be attributed" to Islam, according to the guide.

The guide raised concerns that teaching about 9/11 without careful consideration can lead to stigmatizing Islam and encouraging acts of racism against Muslim and Middle Eastern students and those perceived to belong to these groups.

On Sept. 15, AFL sent a letter to Fairfax County Public Schools, seeking records under the Virginia Freedom of Information Act.

Some of the records requested in the letter include the complete and current version of the guide document; information about authors, reviewers, editors, and approving officials; and all communications concerning the guide.

"Fairfax County Public Schools is attempting to sanitize history and erase the radical Islamic terrorism that struck our nation on September 11, 2001," Will Scolinos, counsel at America First Legal, said in the statement.

"Those unforgettable attacks are a national tragedy, with effects far exceeding 'Islamophobia.' Parents and the public must have full transparency regarding who is responsible for stripping truth from our children's classrooms. AFL will continue to investigate and hold public school officials accountable," Scolinos said.

School's Response

In a statement given to Fox News, Fairfax County Public Schools (FCPS) said the institution has a "deeply personal connection" to the 9/11 incident because of its "proximity to the Pentagon and the many military-connected families we serve."

"On the 25th anniversary of the terrorist attacks, we remember the nearly 3,000 people who were killed, including 184 at the Pentagon. We remember the victims, their families, the survivors, and everyone whose lives were forever changed. We honor the first responders whose courage and sacrifice continue to inspire us," the school district said.

"FCPS remains committed to creating an inclusive environment in our schools where all students feel welcome and respected as we strive to provide a world-class education and workplace."

In a superintendent's message published by the school district on Sept. 11, it said that FCPS teaches events that occured on 9/11 based on the Virginia Standards of Learning for U.S. history.

In middle school U.S. History, the school district teaches how the attacks affected domestic policy, global perspectives on the war against terror and the heroic sacrifice of the passengers of Flight 93. Meanwhile, in high school Virginia and U.S. History, students are required to analyze the attacks within the broader context of terrorism and democracy.

The Epoch Times reached out to Fairfax County Public Schools for comment but did not receive a response by publication time.

Tyler Durden Sat, 09/26/2026 - 15:10

Larry Ellison Pledges $9 Billion More In Oracle Stock To Fund Warner Bros Deal As Price Tumbles, CDS Hits Record

Larry Ellison Pledges $9 Billion More In Oracle Stock To Fund Warner Bros Deal As Price Tumbles, CDS Hits Record

Two weeks after the Larry Ellison inexplicably pulled his plan to sell up to 50 million shares, worth about $7.5 billion news of which had sent the stock sliding the day prior, the Oracle CEO - the key figure behind Paramount Skydance’s deal to buy Warner Bros. Discovery - has pledged 67 million more shares of Oracle as collateral for personal loans than he had at the same time last year, approximately 350 million shares.

The shares pledged, revealed in an Oracle Schedule 14A filing on Friday, amount to a 19% increase in the number of shares Ellison has pledged since 2025. The stock is worth about $9.2 billion at Oracle’s closing price of $137.10 on Friday.

As Bloomberg notes, Ellison has been helping his son David’s company, Paramount, acquire Warner Bros. in a transaction valued at $111 billion. The Ellisons have committed to $47 billion in equity funding for that deal, about $24 billion of which is coming from three Middle Eastern sovereign wealth funds, and much of the rest now appears to be sourced from pledge ORCL shares. 

Paramount is also looking to raise debt financing.

Having negotiated a settlement earlier this week with 12 state attorneys general and the Writers Guild trade union who had sued to block the merger, Paramount is now just one step away from sealing its deal for Warner Bros.

While Oracle officers and directors are forbidden from pledging company shares as collateral for personal loans, there is one exception: Larry Ellison - who serves as the company’s executive chair and chief technology officer.

The total stock pledged now represents about 36% of Ellison’s total holdings of 1.16 billion shares; in dollar terms that amount to just over $57 billion in ORCL stock pledged. 

The regulatory filing also disclosed that Oracle’s co-chief executive officers will receive $870 million in combined stock option awards. The package of Clay Magouyrk was valued at $621.7 million, while Mike Sicilia’s was worth $248.7 million. The executives were named to the joint CEO role a year ago, taking the job from Oracle veteran Safra Catz. Ellison, who didn’t receive awards in the previous two fiscal years, got a package valued at $117.8 million.

The 82-year-old technology mogul announced plans earlier this month to sell as much as $7.5 billion in Oracle stock, but then quickly canceled those plans, which may have been the result of the stock price's precipitous drop.

Aside from the Warner Bros. deal, Oracle has been caught up in an escalating data center fiasco, having announced force mejeure on its largest data center in New Meixco, the 2.25GW Project Jupiter complex, which has advised the project developer it will be unable to meet some contractual obligations due to lack of power at the facility as a result of regulatory delays. 

The Force Majeure sent ORCL bond yields surging to a record high, despite a relatively muted reaction in the stock - which nonetheless trades near 52 week lows...

... and will likely trade even lower once it notices that ORCL CDS have also just hit a new record wide, as the company's default risk has never been higher

As such, one wonders at what stock prices does ORCL get a margin call and is forced to source liquidity, potentially leading to a collapse in the Warner Bros takeover (at a wildely inflated price) as suddenly it finds itself without the funds to do so. 

Tyler Durden Sat, 09/26/2026 - 14:35

Rickards: The Real In AI Is Not 'Super-Intelligence', It's China

Rickards: The Real In AI Is Not 'Super-Intelligence', It's China

Authored by James Rickards via The Daily Reckoning,

It's past time to look beyond the AI hype. The stock valuations of the leading hyperscalers and frontier AI modeling companies are almost certainly in bubble territory. But the market will sort that out in time.

We all know the names of the AI stocks whether from the hardware, software or compute vectors - Apple, Microsoft, Meta, Google (Alphabet), Amazon, OpenAI, Anthropic, NVIDIA and a few others.

Some of these names have valuable core businesses independent of the AI bubble. Others are pure AI plays. All will be hurt to a greater or lesser extent when the AI bubble bursts.

Still, bubbles can get bigger before they pop and they can take far longer to pop than many market participants realize. It's not prudent to short these names but one should definitely lighten up on long positions. Moving portfolio allocations to cash and hard assets is a good way to weather the coming storm.

Valuations aside, these companies now pose serious risks to national security, critical infrastructure, the financial system and other institutions. These risks need to be considered on their own because they will affect all of us.

These dangers are not about stock bubbles. They're about social chaos.

Geopolitical Catalyst

Two threats in particular stand out.

  • The first is the use of AI models by the Chinese to attack the United States.

  • The second is rogue AI models that work autonomously to attack us on their own.

We've seen continuous headlines about the AI race going on between China and the U.S. The elements of the race include massive data centers, high-powered semiconductors and frontier AI models built by U.S. firms such as Anthropic, OpenAI and xAI and by Chinese firms Baidu, Tencent, DeepSeek and Moonshot AI. Other critical inputs in this race include massive amounts of electricity and water required to run the hardware.

The U.S.-China AI race is usually framed in existential terms. Whichever country gets to superintelligence first will control global AI and possibly the world. Even in less grandiose terms, there are critical outcomes in areas of national security, encryption, digital payments, weapons systems and curing disease that depend on the winner of the AI race.

Yet, the competition is far from fair. The U.S. relies on massive investment in fixed assets, superior technology and access to the fastest semiconductors.

China has some of these tools but they rely more on theft of intellectual property from the U.S., using output from U.S. AI apps as curated input on their own apps (to increase processing speeds) and smuggling advanced chips through third countries. China may not be leading the AI race but they are certainly keeping pace.

AI Recon

Now a new threat has emerged. China is using the most advanced AI models including Claude from Anthropic to process information scraped from a wide variety of open sources in the U.S. including military photographs, ship transponder signals, commercial satellite images and other information combined with Chinese satellite images to determine the exact locations and movements of U.S. naval vessels.

That AI-generated information is then passed to Iran, who use it to fire missiles at U.S. Navy vessels near the Strait of Hormuz and the Arabian Sea.

So far, no U.S. vessels have been hit but that may just be a matter of time. China is using U.S. AI technology to help attack the U.S. Navy at sea. Just days after this revelation, a Chinese spy satellite blew-up in space.

No one has taken responsibility for it. But it's not a stretch to infer that the U.S. used a space-based weapon to destroy the Chinese satellite that was used to help Iran attack the U.S. Navy.

The AI wars are becoming star wars in real time.

Regulatory Capture

As a separate threat, the media is flooded with stories about an AI Apocalypse in which AI apps from frontier developers like OpenAI and Anthropic achieve superintelligence, join forces and take over the world putting humans in the same position relative to the AI systems as apes are to humans. Other versions of this AI dystopia involve gangs of AI apps working together to shut down the power grid, loot banks and brokers and cause chaos in civilized society.

This wave of panicked propaganda began with an essay by Anthropic CEO Dario Amodei. The Amodei essay was amplified by Anthropic researcher Jacob Coxon who publicly resigned from Anthropic and issued a warning that AI could "kill all humans" within a decade. The Amodei and Coxon warnings were then taken up by the media, politicians and tech experts in what became a cascade of doom and gloom.

But let's put these warnings in perspective. Whenever you see the same talking points coming from multiple insiders at once, one should be suspicious that a psychological operation (or "psyop") is being conducted to sway public opinion. In this case, the message is that regulation is needed to protect the world against AI going rogue. This regulation would involve government rules, internal compliance departments, auditor inspections, testing and periodic safety certifications.

How convenient for Anthropic and OpenAI. The kind of regulation they envision is extremely expensive. The giant AI developers can afford it but their newer and smaller competitors cannot. Anthropic and OpenAI are planning $1 trillion plus IPOs later this regulatory moat around their franchises to keep out competition with help from the year. The scaremongering about rogue AI could be nothing more than a tactic to build a government-enforced oligopoly.

My own research indicates that superintelligence can never be achieved because it is impossible to program abductive logic (in contrast to inductive and deductive logic) which can be summarized as gut feel or common sense.

Still, AI is powerful and needs guardrails. But it is not as potentially dangerous as the scaremongers insist. Trump was smart to resist calls for more government regulation. The real enemy in the AI world is not superintelligence - it's China.

Tyler Durden Sat, 09/26/2026 - 14:00

Syria Opens Overland Fuel Transit Route To Iraq Amid Hormuz Closure

Syria Opens Overland Fuel Transit Route To Iraq Amid Hormuz Closure

Via The Cradle

Syria has begun trucking imported gasoline from its Baniyas Refinery into Iraq, adding a return leg to a route Baghdad has used to export its fuel since the US war on Iran led to the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, a senior Syrian oil official told Reuters on 25 September.

According to Tareq Shallash, who heads the Refining Directorate at the state-owned Syrian Petroleum Company (SPC), the first consignment – roughly 32,800 metric tons of gasoline – arrived aboard the Marshall Islands-flagged tanker Avanti and was pumped into storage at Baniyas before being loaded onto trucks this week.

Source: Reuters

Shallash said 77 tanker trucks have so far set off for the Iraqi border, with loading still in progress and more cargoes on the way.

He stressed that the fuel neither originates in Syria nor comes out of stocks earmarked for domestic consumption.

The shipments move under a transit contract between SPC and Qatar's UCC Holding, which Shallash identified as both the supplier and the firm managing transport.

Iraq's Oil Ministry confirmed the arrangement, with spokesperson Saleem al-Rikabi telling Reuters that “A contract was signed between SOMO and the Qatari company to supply Iraq with improved gasoline through the port of Baniyas by road tankers, and the supplies have in fact been delivered on a regular basis.”

Shallash said the deal is currently restricted to gasoline, though future agreements could open the route to crude, other petroleum products, and additional goods. 

Baghdad has already pledged to keep building overland alternatives through Syria even if Hormuz reopens, and Reuters reported in July that Iraqi fuel oil moved via Baniyas had reached the US for the first time. 

With Iran closing the Strait of Hormuz, Iraq - unable to ship its oil - has opened its borders to Syria. Thousands of fuel-laden tankers are being sent to the world market overland through Syria. Iraq has closed its airports to Iran's planes.

UCC Holding is also part of a consortium with Chevron and TI Capital studying the revival of a Kirkuk–Baniyas crude pipeline, after Iraq and Syria signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) in Washington in July. 

Reuters reported in August that the project could take four years and cost at least $15 billion, because it would require entirely new infrastructure. 

Tyler Durden Sat, 09/26/2026 - 11:40

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